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Related ArticlesKansas Once Required Voters to Prove Citizenship. That Didn't Work Out So WellBarclays PLC Has $1.29 Million Stock Holdings in The RMR Group Inc. (NASDAQ:RMR)Blake Lively has accused director and co-star Justin Baldoni of sexual harassment during the making of “It Ends With Us,” and a subsequent effort to publicly smear her reputation, according to a legal complaint. Months after rumors first swirled of a behind-the-scenes feud between Lively and Baldoni , the actress is claiming on-set tensions hit such a fever pitch that a meeting was held in which she was forced to address “ repeated sexual harassment and other disturbing behavior ” by Baldoni. In that meeting, attended by multiple people involved in the movie as well as Lively’s husband, Ryan Reynolds, Baldoni was allegedly ordered to alter his behavior. According to the complaint, which precedes a discrimination lawsuit in California, Baldoni was told to stop showing Lively photos and videos of nude women, stop mentioning his “alleged previous pornography addiction” or prior sexual conquests, and to stop referring to the cast and crew’s genitalia. The complaint says Baldoni was also ordered to stop adding “sex scenes, oral sex or on-camera climaxing by [Lively] outside the scope of the script [Lively] approved when signing onto the project,” according to TMZ, which first reported the suit. Lively alleges Baldoni and the studio soon embarked on a “multi-tiered plan” to “destroy” her reputation following that meeting, including planting news stories and engineering social media campaigns that were critical of Lively. The complaint reportedly includes text messages between Baldoni’s PR rep and a studio publicist, obtained through subpoena, which allegedly outlined their plan to “eviscerate” Lively if she went public with her concerns. Amid promotion for the film, production sources told multiple outlets that Lively, a co-producer of the movie, used her celebrity to take creative control from director Baldoni. Lively was accused of bringing in her husband to do last-minute rewrites and of hiring her own editor, resulting in two different cuts of the film . As those stories were circulating online, the crew appeared to side with Baldoni, as did much of the internet, in part due to his centering of the film’s promotion around its story of domestic violence, while Lively billed the movie as more lighthearted. During the press tour, Lively was widely criticized for making light of a troubling story in favor of promoting her hair care and alcohol brands. Many of her old, often dismissive interviews also surfaced online, compounding the public’s negative perception of her. But according to the complaint, Baldoni “abruptly pivoted away from” the movie’s marketing plan and “used domestic violence ‘survivor content’ to protect his public image.” Lively claims his “manipulation” campaign harmed her businesses and caused her to suffer from “grief, fear, trauma and extreme anxiety.” In a statement on Saturday, Baldoni’s lawyer, Bryan Freedman, slammed the “false, outrageous and intentionally salacious” allegations, claiming the “Gossip Girl” alum is merely scrambling to “fix her negative reputation.” Freedman also refuted Lively’s accusations of a “coordinated” smear campaign, instead saying a crisis PR rep was “proactively” hired because she was creating problems during production. Freedman alleges she threatened to not show up on set or promote the movie “if her demands were not met,” but did not specify what those demands were. In her own statement to the New York Times, Lively said she hopes her legal action “helps pull back the curtain on these sinister retaliatory tactics to harm people who speak up about misconduct and helps protect others who may be targeted.” Along with Baldoni, the complaint lists Wayfarer Studios, which Baldoni co-founded, and Baldoni’s publicists among the defendants. With News Wire Services
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Well, not to the ideologues of Rwanda's dark...", "keywords": "", "inLanguage": "en", "mainEntityOfPage":{ "@type": "WebPage", "@id": "https://www.newtimes.co.rw/article/22047/opinions/kayibanda-mugesera-and-bagosora-the-tropical-nazis" }, "thumbnailUrl": "https://www.newtimes.co.rw/thenewtimes/uploads/images/2024/11/22/64643.jpg", "image": { "@type": "ImageObject", "url": "https://www.newtimes.co.rw/thenewtimes/uploads/images/2024/11/22/64643.jpg" }, "articleBody": "Imagine Adolf Hitler sipping at a cup of tea in Kigali. Or, why not in Kabgayi! Sounds bizarre, right? Well, not to the ideologues of Rwanda's dark history. It seems the spectre of European fascism found a fertile tropical home, thanks to the Catholic-educated élites like Gregoire Kayibanda, whose warnings about the Tutsi echoed none other than Hitler’s own grim proclamations about Jews. Enter Theoneste Bagosora, one of the very few key architects of the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi. In late 1995, he sought to retroactively justify the indefensible in his document ‘President Habyarimana's Assassination or The Tutsi Operation to Regain Power in Rwanda Using Force.’ Bagosora lays bare the rationale for the genocidal ideology that culminated in the Genocide in 1994. Central to his justification is a recurring theme: that Tutsi refugees and their descendants, in seeking justice and a return to their homeland, were the architects of their own destruction. The irony? Bagosora’s reasoning is a Frankensteinian amalgamation of colonial-era racial science, Hitler’s anti-Semitic vitriol, and Kayibanda’s unholy fusion of the two. What he calls a warning was, in reality, an outright threat of annihilation—a policy that culminated in one of the most horrific genocides of the 20th century. Kayibanda: Rwanda’s Hitler in a cassock To understand Bagosora’s justification, we must revisit the roots of genocidal ideology in Rwanda. In his twisted narrative, Bagosora invoked Kayibanda's chilling 1963 message to Rwandan “emigrants” and refugees abroad—who had fled pogroms orchestrated by his regime, as a moral compass for mass murder. In his infamous message of March 11, 1963, President Gregoire Kayibanda proclaimed: Assuming you managed to blast your way into Kigali, just imagine the chaos of which you would be the first victims. (...) That would be the definitive, abrupt end of the Tutsi race. This was not a mere rhetorical flourish but a deliberate threat designed to instill fear and enforce submission. The language is eerily reminiscent of Adolf Hitler’s Reichstag speech of January 30, 1939: “If international Jewish financiers inside and outside Europe should succeed in plunging the nations once more into a world war, then the result will not be the...victory of Jewry but the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe.” These unnerving statements, delivered under the guise of caution, were no mere warning. They were threats, and promises of annihilation—against Jews and Tutsi in different times. Both Kayibanda and Hitler couched their genocidal intentions in warnings about provocation. Both sought to position their respective ethnic or racial majorities as victims, while justifying preemptive violence against exposed minorities. The parallels are undeniable and are no coincidence. Kayibanda’s descent into fascist ideology was no accident. In the mid-1950s, he traveled to Europe on a Catholic Church scholarship to study journalism. While presumably learning the craft of reporting, Kayibanda absorbed the racial theories and nationalist fervor of postwar Europe—where the scars of Nazism were still raw. Rather than absorbing lessons of denazification, tolerance and reconciliation, Kayibanda appears to have drawn inspiration from Europe’s murkiest ideologies. By the time he returned to Rwanda, he was ready to apply these toxic lessons to local politics. His education bore bitter fruit in the form of the 1957 Bahutu Manifesto, a document that laid the groundwork for anti-Tutsi racial hatred. The 1957 Bahutu Manifesto, often hailed by Kayibanda’s supporters as a document of liberation, was in reality a blueprint for apartheid and genocide. Co-authored by Kayibanda and other Hutu extremists, the manifesto borrowed heavily from the pseudo-scientific racial theories propagated by Belgian colonialists and Catholic missionaries. It categorized Rwandans along racial lines, casting the Hutu as the oppressed majority and the Tutsi as foreign invaders. Two years later, in 1959—Kayibanda founded Party of the Hutu Emancipation Movement (PARMEHUTU), a political party that championed the so-called “Hutu Revolution” but whose name belied its true purpose: to institutionalize discrimination against Tutsi and lay the groundwork for their systematic extermination. Kayibanda’s 1963 warning was not an isolated outburst but part of a broader genocidal doctrine that began with the 1959 pogroms. These massacres, celebrated as the “Social Revolution,” displaced hundreds of thousands of Tutsi outside their country and set the stage for subsequent waves of violence. In November 1959, Kayibanda’s supporters, assisted by Belgian colonial powers, attacked Tutsi communities, killing thousands and forcing many into exile. The pattern repeated itself in 1963, when the Rwandan government used an alleged incursion by exiled Tutsi fighters as a pretext for mass killings. On Christmas Eve, Kayibanda’s regime launched a coordinated campaign of terror, slaughtering thousands of Tutsi civilians under the guise of “reprisals.” The message was clear: any attempt by the Tutsi to return to their homeland would be met with extermination. Kayibanda’s Doctrine of Extermination Fast-forward to 1994, and Theoneste Bagosora, a former Rwandan army colonel, assumes the mantle of chief apologist for genocide. In his document, Bagosora casts the Tutsi as provocateurs who “failed to heed warnings” and triggered their own demise. What it means, the December 28, 1993 arrival of RPF politicians in Kigali, escorted by a UNAMIR battalion, housed in the parliamentary building—was regarded as an intolerable provocation for Hutu extremists. To Bagosora and his type, the RPF’s adherence to the Arusha Peace Agreement was not a gesture of goodwill but a sinister plot to seize power. Bagosora’s logic hinges on a perverse reading of history. He cites Kayibanda’s 1963 message as prophetic, suggesting that the Tutsi’s refusal to remain exiled justified Hutu reprisals. This argument ignores the reality that the so-called “reprisals” were premeditated massacres, often incited by state-sponsored propaganda. By framing genocide as a defensive measure, Bagosora not only distorts history but also absolves himself and other perpetrators of responsibility. Bagosora’s reliance on Kayibanda’s rhetoric reveals the continuity of genocidal ideology in Rwanda. What began as colonial racial science evolved into a state-sanctioned policy of annihilation, culminating in the 1994 genocide. The Nazi connection The influence of European fascism on Rwandan politics cannot be overstated. Bagosora and Kayibanda’s ideology can best be described as tropical Nazism, a uniquely Rwandan adaptation of European fascism. The Bahutu Manifesto, often described as Rwanda’s Mein Kampf, framed the Tutsi as foreign invaders and existential threats to Hutu identity. Like Hitler, they viewed ethnic purity as the cornerstone of national identity. Like Hitler, they believed that the extermination of a minority group was not only justified but necessary for the survival of the majority. The genocides of 1959, 1963, and 1994 were not isolated incidents but part of a broader continuum of state-sponsored violence. Each wave of killing was preceded by warnings—thinly veiled threats that sought to blame the victims for their own deaths. Even in 1994, as the world looked on in horror, Bagosora and his allies continued to insist that the genocide was a defensive measure. They portrayed the Hutu as the victims of an international conspiracy, just as Kayibanda had done in 1963 and Hitler had done in 1939. Kayibanda’s Colonial/Catholic education further complicated matters. The terrible education, which wielded significant influence in Rwanda, played a key role in disseminating racist ideology. Missionaries reinforced the false dichotomy of Hutu as “indigenous” and Tutsi as “alien,” providing a theological veneer for ethnic cleansing. Mugesera: The river as a highway to death On November 22, 1992, Léon Mugesera addressed a rally in Kabaya with words that would later echo across Rwanda as a call to genocide. He addressed the Tutsi in Rwanda: “Your home is in Ethiopia,” he declared, “and we will send you back along the Nyabarongo River so you get there quickly.” This statement, at first glance, might seem like mere political hyperbole. But for those who understood Mugesera’s intent, it was a horrifying foreshadowing. The Nyabarongo River, which feeds into the Nile, would indeed become the vehicle for carrying thousands of Tutsi bodies. Mugesera’s speech transformed this river—a source of life—into a figurative deportation route, a grotesque symbol of his vision for a Rwanda purged of Tutsi. The language, veiled as a call to deportation, carried a sinister implication: the river wasn’t meant to transport living Tutsi. It was to become their watery grave. Mugesera's rhetoric stripped the Tutsi of their Rwandan identity, framing them as invaders who had no legitimate place in the nation. By painting the Tutsi as outsiders, he justified their eradication as not only permissible but necessary for the survival of Rwanda as a Hutu nation. For the record, the Nyabarongo was less a river and more a liquid conveyor belt of corpses during the genocide, feeding into the Akagera and eventually the Nile. A grim irony Mugesera would likely call efficiency. Kayibanda to Mugesera and Bagosora: A legacy of hate The rhetoric of Bagosora and Mugesera shared a common goal: erasing the Tutsi from Rwanda’s social fabric under the guise of a nationalist crusade. Bagosora's declaration that “the Tutsis are trouble” echoed Mugesera’s vision of a Rwanda purified of its so-called foreign invaders. The Tutsi were not neighbors, compatriots, or fellow humans—they were problems to be solved, preferably with machetes. Bagosora’s document is a scary aide memoire of how genocidal ideology endures and evolves. By invoking Kayibanda’s warning, Bagosora seeks to legitimize the 1994 genocide as a defensive act rather than the culmination of decades of state-sponsored hatred. This narrative not only distorts history but also perpetuates the cycle of denial and impunity. If Kayibanda was Rwanda’s Hitler, then Leon Mugesera and Bagosora were Rwanda’s Goebbels and Himmler, crafting propaganda to justify the unjustifiable. Their shared legacy is one of hatred, violence, and the systematic dehumanization of an entire people. And yet, Bagosora’s invocation of Kayibanda’s rhetoric exposes the absurdity of their ideology. After all, what kind of democracy threatens the extermination of an entire ethnic group? Fast forward to the 1990s, and Kayibanda’s disciple, Theoneste Bagosora, stood as a leading architect of the Genocide Against the Tutsi. His writings reveal a disquieting continuity in Rwanda’s genocidal ideology, one that tied the violence of 1994 directly to the warnings issued by Kayibanda decades earlier. Bagosora framed the Rwandan Patriotic Front’s (RPF) return to Kigali in December 1993 as a provocation, despite the fact that it was undertaken in accordance with the Arusha Peace Agreement. To Bagosora and his fellow genocidaires, the sight of Tutsi politicians entering the Rwandan Parliament under the protection of UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda) was intolerable. On December 18, 2008 The Guardian published a story titled: 'If Tutsis died it was because the people were angry with them'. Journalist Chris McGreal, was quoting Theoneste Bagosora. The infamous architect of genocide dismissed the mass slaughter of Tutsi as a spontaneous eruption of justified anger. His argument? The victims had it coming, and besides, were they even dead? If that logic leaves you reeling, don’t worry—it’s just Bagosora's masterclass in the Orwellian art of blaming the victims while sharpening new weapons. During the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi, Bagosora was no mere passive observer. As a high-ranking military officer, he wielded both power and ideology like a conductor in a symphony of slaughter. Yet, in his interview, he smugly dismissed the atrocities: People say Bagosora did this or that, that I have the blood of the Tutsis on my hands. But where are all these people who were killed? If they died it is because they are rebels, or because the people were angry with them, he said. This statement exemplifies the genocidaire’s handbook of denial. First, invert reality—massacres become accidents, victims become aggressors. Then, sprinkle in victim-blaming to gaslight history. Finally, offer a terrifying encore: But it's true the Tutsis are trouble. They have taken over a Hutu country. We will fight them again until all the Tutsis are gone. Bagosora’s words ooze both arrogance and malice, laying bare the genocidal ideology that painted Tutsi existence as a threat. This rhetoric, strangely similar to that of Adolf Hitler's tirades against Jews, hinges on erasing humanity to justify extermination. In their eyes, the very existence of the Tutsi, let alone their participation in politics, was an existential threat to Hutu power. Thus, the genocidaires framed the RPF’s peaceful return as a prelude to war, conveniently ignoring their own decades of violence against the Tutsi. A comical farewell One might say that Bagosora and his predecessors were simply misheard. After all, who among us hasn’t resorted to mass murder as a form of self-defense? Surely, the Tutsi were being unreasonable when they refused to heed Kayibanda’s warning to remain exiled and invisible. And surely, the RPF was out of line for daring to return to their homeland under the terms of a peace agreement. Or perhaps, just perhaps, the genocidaires were not victims at all but architects of one of history’s most heinous crimes. Perhaps their warnings were not warnings at all but declarations of intent. And perhaps the world’s failure to hold these men accountable in the decades leading up to 1994 was not a failure of understanding but a failure of courage. Perhaps it is fitting to end with a relaxed twist. Imagine Bagosora and Kayibanda seated at a table in hell, sipping wine and debating whose warnings were more effective. “You paraphrased Hitler better than I did,” Kayibanda might quip. To which Bagosora, ever the military man, might reply: “Yes, but you laid the groundwork. I simply executed the plan.” As we reflect on the legacy of Bagosora and his ideological forebears, let us remember one thing: genocide is never justified, no matter how many warnings are issued. The tropical Nazis of Rwanda may have borrowed their rhetoric from Europe, but their crimes were entirely their own. And no amount of revisionism can change that fact. If there’s one thing Bagosora and his ilk have taught us, it’s that revisionism isn’t just denial—it’s a performance. And what a performance it is! Between blaming the victims, threatening future massacres, and claiming the genocide was merely an angry outburst, Bagosora crafted a narrative so absurd it would make even the most hardened conspiracy theorist blush. But here’s the twist: the world doesn’t need a Bagosora sequel. His legacy of hate and denial already permeates the rhetoric of modern-day genocide deniers. From academic charlatans to political propagandists, the script remains the same: blame the victims, rewrite the history, and sow seeds of division. History, of course, will not be so kind. For Kayibanda, Bagosora, Mugesera and their class, the only enduring legacy is one of shame—a cautionary tale of what happens when hatred is allowed to masquerade as patriotism. And for Rwanda, the lesson is clear: NEVER AGAIN. @TomNdahiro", "author": { "@type": "Person", "name": "Tom Ndahiro" }, "publisher": { "@type": "Organization", "name": "The New Times", "url": "https://www.newtimes.co.rw/", "sameAs": ["https://www.facebook.com/TheNewTimesRwanda/","https://twitter.com/NewTimesRwanda","https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCuZbZj6DF9zWXpdZVceDZkg"], "logo": { "@type": "ImageObject", "url": "/theme_newtimes/images/logo.png", "width": 270, "height": 57 } }, "copyrightHolder": { "@type": "Organization", "name": "The New Times", "url": "https://www.newtimes.co.rw/" } }
Terror reigns in across K-P in 2024
Anti-fraud efforts meet real-world test during ACA enrollment period
Kansas once required voters to prove citizenship. That didn't work out so wellBUENOS AIRES, Argentina (AP) — Botafogo overcame playing with 10 men to win its first Copa Libertadores title after beating fellow Brazilian side Atletico Mineiro 3-1 in the final at Monumental de Nunez Stadium on Saturday. After just 30 seconds, midfielder Gregore, one of Botafogo's best players, hit the head of Fausto Vera with his foot and was given a straight red card. “It was so hard to have one less so early in a final. It was an unfortunate move,” Botafogo defender Alexander Barboza said. “But Gregore deserves this title as much as we do. We made history and that won’t ever be erased.” Winger Luiz Henrique scored first in the 35th minute from close range, and was fouled for the penalty shot converted by Alex Telles in the 44th. Eduardo Vargas headed Mineiro's only goal in the 46th while Junior Santos, the top scorer in the Copa Libertadores with 10 goals, capped Botafogo's historic night with the third in injury time. Brazil was assured of a sixth consecutive Copa Libertadores title and its 24th in history, just one less than Argentina. It was also the third straight title for Rio de Janeiro clubs, after Fluminense in 2023 and Flamengo in 2022. Botafogo, the last of the four big Rio clubs to win the Copa Libertadores, earned prize money of $23 million and a spot in the Club World Cup in the United States next year. Despite sensationally losing Gregore, Botafogo reset and Luiz Henrique scored the opener. Henrique surged on the right flank and crossed to Marlon Freitas, who took a shot that was deflected. Henrique was in the right place to strike through the legs of goalkeeper Ederson. Henrique and Ederson met again near the end of the first half when the striker surprised the keeper on the edge of the box. A penalty was given after a video review and left back Telles calmly slotted the ball home. Mineiro came back with a more aggressive formation in the second half and was rewarded when veteran Hulk took a corner kick and Vargas, who replaced midfielder Gustavo Scarpa during the break, didn’t even need to jump to score with his head. Mineiro had more chances to equalize through Deyverson in the 53rd, Hulk in the 56th, and Vargas in the 86th and 88th, all from close range. But it was Botafogo’s Júnior Santos, who was sidelined by injury during the Copa, who scored the last goal. “We just failed at getting some advantage at having one more player than them,” tearful Mineiro defender Rodrigo Battaglia said. “It was a very hard day for all of us.” Botafogo coach Arthur Jorge joined Portuguese compatriots Jorge Jesus (Flamengo, 2019) and Abel Ferreira (Palmeiras, 2020 and 2021) as European coaches with a Copa Libertadores title. Mineiro's Gabriel Milito missed the chance to be the first Argentine to win the tournament with a Brazilian club. Botafogo also gave American owner John Textor his biggest trophy yet. Textor has been subject to criticism after unproven allegations about match-fixing when Botafogo squandered a 13-point lead last year and missed out on the league title. Next week, his team could win its first Brazilian title since 1995. “I saw this was a hungry group of players since I joined,” said Telles, who joined Botafogo in mid-year. “No one was speaking about what happened last year, it hurt us all. We knew we had a burden to carry, to give something back to our fans. Now we did it.” Botafogo was relegated from the league in 2020 but has risen to prominence again with Textor’s investment. He was part of a wave of foreign owners who came into Brazilian soccer after a 2021 law change paved the way for private investors. Mineiro also has wealthy owner in Brazilian billionaire Rubens Menin, a construction mogul. Savarese reported from Sao Paulo. AP soccer: https://apnews.com/hub/soccerJulie Appleby | KFF Health News Unauthorized switching of Affordable Care Act plans appears to have tapered off in recent weeks based on an almost one-third drop in casework associated with consumer complaints, say federal regulators . The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, which oversees the ACA, credits steps taken to thwart enrollment and switching problems that triggered more than 274,000 complaints this year through August. Now, the annual ACA open enrollment period that began Nov. 1 poses a real-world test: Will the changes curb fraud by rogue agents or brokerages without unduly slowing the process of enrolling or reducing the total number of sign-ups for 2025 coverage? “They really have this tightrope to walk,” said Sabrina Corlette, co-director of the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University. “The more you tighten it up to prevent fraud, the more barriers there are that could inhibit enrollment among those who need the coverage.” CMS said in July that some types of policy changes — those in which the agent is not “affiliated” with the existing plan — will face more requirements, such as a three-way call with the consumer, broker, and a healthcare.gov call center representative. In August, the agency barred two of about a dozen private sector online-enrollment platforms from connecting with healthcare.gov over concerns related to improper switching. And CMS has suspended 850 agents suspected of being involved in unauthorized plan-switching from accessing the ACA marketplace. Still, the clampdown could add complexity to enrollment and slow the process. For example, a consumer might have to wait in a queue for a three-way call, or scramble to find a new agent because the one they previously worked with had been suspended. Given that phone lines with healthcare.gov staff already get busy — especially during mid-December — agents and policy analysts advise consumers not to dally this year. “Hit the ground running,” said Ronnell Nolan, president and CEO of Health Agents for America, a professional organization for brokers. Meanwhile, reports are emerging that some rogue entities are already figuring out workarounds that could undermine some of the anti-fraud protections CMS put in place, Nolan said. “Bottom line is: Fraud and abuse is still happening,” Nolan said. Brokers assist the majority of people actively enrolling in ACA plans and are paid a monthly commission by insurers for their efforts. Consumers can compare plans or enroll themselves online through federal or state marketplace websites. They can also seek help from people called assisters or navigators — certified helpers who are not paid commissions. Under a “find local help” button on the federal and state ACA websites , consumers can search for nearby brokers or navigators. CMS says it has “ramped up support operations” at its healthcare.gov marketplace call centers, which are open 24/7, in anticipation of increased demand for three-way calls, and it expects “minimal wait times,” said Jeff Wu, deputy director for policy of the CMS Center for Consumer Information and Insurance Oversight. Wu said those three-way calls are necessary only when an agent or a broker not already associated with a consumer’s enrollment wants to change that consumer’s enrollment or end that consumer’s coverage. It does not apply to people seeking coverage for the first time. Organizations paid by the government to offer navigator services have a dedicated phone line to the federal marketplace, and callers are not currently experiencing long waits, said Xonjenese Jacobs, director of Florida Covering Kids & Families, a program based at the University of South Florida that coordinates enrollment across the state through its Covering Florida navigator program. Navigators can assist with the three-way calls if a consumer’s situation requires it. “Because we have our quick line in, there’s no increased wait time,” Jacobs said. The problem of unauthorized switches has been around for a while but took off during last year’s open enrollment season. Brokers generally blamed much of the problem on the ease with which rogue agents can access ACA information in the federal marketplace, needing only a person’s name, date of birth, and state of residence. Though federal regulators have worked to tighten that access with the three-way call requirement, they stopped short of instituting what some agent groups say is needed: two-factor authentication, which could involve a code accessed by a consumer through a smartphone. Unauthorized switches can lead to a host of problems for consumers, from higher deductibles to landing in new networks that do not include their preferred physicians or hospitals. Some people have received tax bills when unauthorized policies came with premium credits for which they did not qualify. Unauthorized switches posed a political liability for the Biden administration, a blemish on two years of record ACA enrollment. The practice drew criticism from lawmakers on both sides of the aisle; Democrats demanded more oversight and punishment of rogue agents, while Republicans said fraud attempts were fueled by Biden administration moves that allowed for more generous premium subsidies and special enrollment periods. The fate of those enhanced subsidies, which are set to expire, will be decided by Congress next year as the Trump administration takes power. But the premiums and subsidies that come with 2025 plans that people are enrolling in now will remain in effect for the entire year. The actions taken this year to thwart the unauthorized enrollments apply to the federal marketplace, used by 31 states . The remaining states and the District of Columbia run their own websites, with many having in place additional layers of security. Related Articles Health | Feds suspend ACA marketplace access to companies accused of falsely promising ‘cash cards’ Health | More foods are making us sick: What to know as foodborne outbreaks hit Health | Care Court referrals to open in December in Butte County Health | At least 19 people are sick in Minnesota from ground beef tied to E. coli recall Health | Which health insurance plan may be right for you? For its part, CMS says its efforts are working, pointing to the 30% drop in complaint casework. The agency also noted a 90% drop in the number of times an agent’s name was replaced by another’s, which it says indicates that it is tougher for rival agents to steal clients to gain the monthly commissions that insurers pay. Still, the move to suspend 850 agents has drawn pushback from agent groups that initially brought the problem to federal regulators’ attention. They say some of those accused were suspended before getting a chance to respond to the allegations. “There will be a certain number of agents and brokers who are going to be suspended without due process,” said Nolan, with the health agents’ group. She said that it has called for increased protections against unauthorized switching and that two-factor authentication, like that used in some state marketplaces or in the financial sector, would be more effective than what’s been done. “We now have to jump through so many hoops that I’m not sure we’re going to survive,” she said of agents in general. “They are just throwing things against the wall to see what sticks when they could just do two-factor.” The agency did not respond to questions asking for details about how the 850 agents suspended since July were selected, the states where they were located, or how many had their suspensions reversed after supplying additional information.
Zara Tindall reveals Holiday traditions for Christmas with King Charles Zara and Mike Tindall walk beside King Charles to St Mary Magdalene Zara Tindall has shared a glimpse into what Christmas looks like with the Royal Family as she and her husband, Mike Tindall, prepare to join King Charles at Sandringham this year. The equestrian revealed that the family embraces both traditional and personal customs during the festive season. Speaking at the Battle of the Commentators charity lunch at Evolution London in Battersea Park on Wednesday, Zara confirmed that Christmas Eve at Sandringham is a formal affair, with the royals donning black tie for dinner. King Charles and Queen Camilla are set to host the festivities at the Sandringham Estate, continuing a cherished family tradition. Zara has offered a charming insight into Royal Family, revealing that even the most senior royals—her late grandparents, Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip—had stockings on Christmas Day. "We give presents to each other on Christmas Eve," Zara shared. "As adults, we still have stockings on Christmas Day." Each year, Zara and her husband, Mike, join the family’s traditional walk to St Mary Magdalene Church, a beloved part of their Christmas celebrations. In recent years, their daughters, Mia, ten, and Lena, six, have joined the walk, spending time with their royal cousins—Prince George, 11, Princess Charlotte, nine, and Prince Louis, six. While the Tindalls’ youngest, three-year-old Lucas, has yet to make his Christmas Day debut, it’s clear he’s surrounded by plenty of festive cheer. Lily Allen gets real on sobriety, self-medicating, and breaking family cycle Jacob Elordi stuns onlookers with beard look at Marrakech Film Festival King Charles receives heartbreaking news from Canada weeks after Harry's visit Miley Cyrus holds mom Tish 'responsible' for controversial pole performance
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KILLINGTON, Vt. — As contrasts go, what played out in the biting wind Saturday afternoon was striking. At the base of a demanding racecourse here, the public address announcer did his duty by trying to rally a sizable crowd — pulsing with energy just minutes before — to acknowledge the accomplishment of Sweden’s Sara Hector, who had just won a World Cup giant slalom race.Beyoncé‘s Mom Hits Back at Halftime Show Haters( MENAFN - IANS) Hyderabad, Dec 29 (IANS) Two months ago a senior Minister in Telangana had predicted Political fireworks before Diwali. This did not happen, prompting the opposition Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) to ridicule the ruling congress party over its 'empty threat'. Two months later, the state seems to be witnessing the promised fireworks with both the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) and the Enforcement Directorate proceeding against BRS Working President and former Telangana Minister K. T. Rama Rao for alleged irregularities in the conduct of the Formula-E car race in Hyderabad last year when BRS was in power. With Governor Jishnu Dev Varma granting permission for the prosecution of K. T. Rama Rao (KTR), the ACB moved swiftly to book a case against the former Minister. The ACB registered the First Information Report (FIR) under Sections 13(1)(A) and 13(2) of the Prevention of Corruption Act, along with Sections 409 and 120(B) of the Indian Penal Code, naming KTR as the accused number one. Senior IAS officer Arvind Kumar and Hyderabad Metropolitan Development Authority (HMDA) former chief engineer BLN Reddy were named as accused number two and three respectively. The anti-graft agency has also recorded the statement of M. Dana Kishore, Principal Secretary, Municipal Administration and Urban Development, on whose complaint the case was booked. The move was apparently aimed at preparing the ground for issuing notices to the accused. The allegations centre around the payment of more than Rs 54.88 crore to UK-based Formula-E Operations Limited (FEO) and others in gross violation of established procedures. Denying the allegation of corruption, KTR maintained that the Formula-E race was organised to make Telangana the hub of electric vehicles. Terming the case a political vendetta, the BRS leader dared the ruling Congress government to have a debate on the issue in the Assembly. It tried to stall the proceedings during the recent Winter session to press the demand for a debate. However, the Congress government argued that an issue which is under investigation can't be debated in the House. KTR, who had earlier declared that he was ready to go to jail, approached the High Court, seeking orders to quash the FIR. He argues that when FEO confirmed that it received the money, where was the corruption? The BRS leader received some relief as the High Court barred ACB from arresting him by the end of the current month. After the FIR was booked by the ACB, the ED was also quick to enter the scene by registering an Enforcement Case Information Report under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act against KTR, Arvind Kumar and BLN Reddy. The central agency has now asked to appear before it on January 7, while Arvind Kumar and BLN Reddy have been directed to appear on January 2 and 3, respectively. The ED has also initiated a parallel investigation under the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA) to examine possible violations. As per the original agreement, the government's role was limited to providing infrastructure and civic amenities for the race. There are allegations that HMDA transferred funds despite not being a direct party to the agreement. The ED is also probing whether financial commitments exceeding Rs 600 crore for upcoming seasons violated legal and financial protocols. While rejecting the demand for a debate in the Assembly, Telangana Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy claimed that his government saved more than Rs 500 crore by refusing to transfer further money for the Formula-E car race after the previous BRS government had transferred about Rs 55 crore to a foreign company in alleged violation of rules. On KTR releasing to media the photographs of Revanth Reddy's meeting with Formula E Operations (FEO) co-founder Albert Longo, the Chief Minister said three to four days after he assumed office in December last year, FEO representatives met him. "They told me that they had an agreement with KTR for Rs 600 crore and wanted the government to conduct the race again and release the remaining money. I refused to do so. Why should the government spend Rs 600 crore to conduct a car race," he asked and alleged that KTR had planned to loot the money in the name of the Formula-E race. This is the first corruption case booked against the family of BRS supremo and former Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao (KCR) after Congress came to power a year ago. Incidentally, the case booked by ED is the second against the family of KCR. His daughter and BRS MLC K. Kavitha was arrested by the ED in March in the Delhi excise policy case. While she was in judicial custody in the case booked by the ED, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) also got the court's approval to arrest her. Kavitha, also a former MP, was released from Tihar Jail after more than five months when the Supreme Court granted her bail. After KCR's daughter Kavitha, son KTR, the BRS Chief himself, and his nephew and former State Irrigation Minister T. Harish Rao appear to be on the radar of the Congress government. Their role in alleged irregularities in the Kaleshwaram project may come under the scanner of the Justice Ghose Commission investigating the case. The Commission, which is in the final stage of its probe, is likely to summon them to record their statements regarding allegations of cost escalation in the project and poor maintenance of the three barrages that suffered damages due to inadequate operational protocols. The Commission was originally expected to submit its report to the government by the end of its term on December 31, but the final report is now likely by late January or February. A few weeks after assuming office, Chief Minister Revanth Reddy had ordered two judicial inquiries -- one into the alleged irregularities in the execution of Kaleshwaram and the second into Bhadradri and Yadadri thermal power projects and power purchase agreement with the Chhattisgarh government. The Commission of Inquiry headed by former Supreme Court judge M.B. Lokur, which probed thermal power plants and power purchase agreements, submitted the report in October. The Commission's report is yet to be made public but understood to have faulted the previous government and the decision-makers in its report both on the execution of the two power projects and the power purchase agreement. "There were many scams during the previous regime. There were allegations of phone tapping, misuse of Dharani portal, Kaleshwaram and 4-5 other scams," State Revenue Minister Ponguleti Srinivasa Reddy had said while predicting political fireworks. "Whether those involved should be arrested or sent to life imprisonment or the money should be recovered from them are all issues which courts will decide," he added. MENAFN28122024000231011071ID1109038193 Legal Disclaimer: MENAFN provides the information “as is” without warranty of any kind. We do not accept any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, content, images, videos, licenses, completeness, legality, or reliability of the information contained in this article. 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Ocugen Inc. stock falls Thursday, underperforms marketSCOTTSDALE, Ariz. — Even when Penn State quarterback Drew Allar gets some praise, it's usually a backhanded compliment. They say he's a good game manager and stays within himself, or that he doesn't try to do too much. They mention he might not be flashy, but he gives the team a chance to win. And here's the thing about Penn State since Allar stepped under center: The Nittany Lions have won games. A lot of them. Sometimes that's hard to remember considering the lukewarm reception he often gets from fans. "I get it — we have a really passionate fan base and they're a huge part of our success," Allar said Sunday at College Football Playoff quarterfinals media day. "For us, we always want to go out there every drive and end with a touchdown, so when we don't do that, there's nobody more frustrated than us." The polarizing Allar is having a solid season by just about any standard, completing more than 68% of his passes for 3,021 yards, 21 touchdowns and seven interceptions while leading the sixth-seeded Nittany Lions to a 12-2 record and a spot in the Fiesta Bowl for Tuesday's game against No. 3 seed Boise State. People are also reading... But in a college football world filled with high-scoring, explosive offenses, Allar's no-frills performances often are the object of ire. The Penn State offense is a run-first bunch, led by the talented combo of Nicholas Singleton and Kaytron Allen. "If we had a nickel for every time there was a Monday morning quarterback saying some BS stuff, we'd all be pretty rich," offensive coordinator Andy Kotelnicki said. "I think part of being a quarterback, especially at Penn State but really anywhere, is how you respond to and manage criticism." The 20-year-old Allar has made strides in that department after a trying 2023 season that finished with a 10-3 record. He says that's largely because once fall camp started back in August, he logged off the social media platform X. Allar said negative online experiences wore on him last year, and his phone number was leaked a few times, which added to the stress. He finally realized that controlling outside narratives was impossible, so the best course of action was to eliminate a needless distraction. "I've been more mentally free, as much as that sounds crazy," Allar said. "I think that's been a huge difference for me this year." The biggest criticism of Allar — and really Penn State as a whole during the 11-year James Franklin era — is that he isn't capable of winning the big games. He's 0-2 against rival Ohio State and threw a late interception against Oregon in the Big Ten title game earlier this month, which sealed the Ducks' 45-37 victory. He wasn't great in the CFP's first round, either, completing just 13 of 22 passes for 127 yards as Penn State muscled past SMU 38-10 on a cold, blustery day to advance to the Fiesta Bowl. But the quarterback is confident a better performance — aided by a game that will be played in comfortable temperatures in a domed stadium — is coming. "For me, I just have to execute those (easy) throws early in the game and get our guys into rhythm," Allar said. "Get them involved early as much as I can and that allows us to stay on the field longer, call more plays and open up our offense more. That will help us a ton, building the momentum throughout the game." Allar might be a favorite punching bag for a section of the Penn State fan base, but that's not the case in his own locker room. Star tight end Tyler Warren praised his quarterback's ability to avoid sacks, saying that the 6-foot-5, 238-pounder brings a toughness that resonates with teammates. "He's a football player," Warren said. "He plays quarterback, but when you watch him play and the energy he brings and the way he runs the ball, he's just a football player and that fires up our offense." Now Allar and Penn State have a chance to silence critics who say that the Nittany Lions don't show up in big games. Not that he's worried about what other people think. "I think it's a skill at the end of the day — blocking out the outside noise," Allar said. "Focusing on you and the process and being honest with yourself, both good and bad." Get local news delivered to your inbox!
With Black Friday sales in full swing, there are still plenty of terrific deals to take advantage of. It’s the perfect time to shop for expensive electronics, including TV’s. Until Cyber Monday, you’ll be able to snag a high-end TV at a nice discount. Several top brands are offering huge deals on their best models. We’re seeing fantastic discounts on Samsung, LG, Sony and Hisense TVs. Whether you want a big-screen TV or something smaller for casual viewing, there are many options to consider getting during this sale event. Last updated on Nov. 30, 2024, at 2 a.m. ET. In this article: Samsung 55-Inch Class QLED 4K The Frame Series Smart TV , LG 77-Inch Class OLED B4 Series Smart TV and Hisense U6 Series 65-Inches ULED 4K Smart TV . Best Black Friday TV deals 2024 Samsung 55-Inch Class QLED 4K The Frame Series Smart TV 40% OFF The cool thing about this smart TV is that it features an Art mode you can enable, which displays modern and classic art pieces whenever you’re not watching. 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More TV deals Amazon Fire TV 43-Inch 4-Series 4K UHD Smart TV 38% OFF Amazon Fire TV 65-Inch Omni QLED Series 4K UHD Smart TV 25% OFF Amazon Fire TV 50-Inch Omni Series 4K UHD Smart TV 31% OFF Sony 75-Inch 4K Ultra HD Google TV Bravia TV 28% OFF Samsung 55-Inch Class QLED 4K Q80D Series Quantum HDR+ Smart TV 33% OFF LG 86-Inch Class UHD Smart TV 23% OFF LG 55-Inch Class QNED85T Series LED Smart TV 13% OFF Prices listed reflect time and date of publication and are subject to change. Check out our Daily Deals for the best products at the best prices and sign up here to receive the BestReviews weekly newsletter full of shopping inspo and sales. BestReviews spends thousands of hours researching, analyzing and testing products to recommend the best picks for most consumers. BestReviews and its newspaper partners may earn a commission if you purchase a product through one of our links.Netflix getting set to air NFL on Christmas Day
With Black Friday sales in full swing, there are still plenty of terrific deals to take advantage of. It’s the perfect time to shop for expensive electronics, including TV’s. Until Cyber Monday, you’ll be able to snag a high-end TV at a nice discount. Several top brands are offering huge deals on their best models. We’re seeing fantastic discounts on Samsung, LG, Sony and Hisense TVs. Whether you want a big-screen TV or something smaller for casual viewing, there are many options to consider getting during this sale event. Last updated on Nov. 30, 2024, at 2 a.m. ET. In this article: Samsung 55-Inch Class QLED 4K The Frame Series Smart TV , LG 77-Inch Class OLED B4 Series Smart TV and Hisense U6 Series 65-Inches ULED 4K Smart TV . The cool thing about this smart TV is that it features an Art mode you can enable, which displays modern and classic art pieces whenever you’re not watching. The color volume is fantastic, the matte film reduces light glare and the frame is customizable with multiple color bezel options. If you’re looking for an affordable 4K smart TV, this 65-inch LED model won’t disappoint. Motion Xcelerator reduces blur and lag, and object tracking delivers impressive 3D surround sound. It supports HDR and Mega Contrast to minimize the difference between light and dark areas. This Roku TV offers a sharp 4K resolution and supports HDR10+ technology, which enhances color, contrast and brightness. The home screen is customizable with shortcuts to your favorite apps, and the voice remote lets you effortlessly search for paid and free content. Are you looking for a solid TV for casual viewing? This 40-inch Amazon Fire TV has plenty to offer. The Fire TV platform provides quick access to live TV, video games and music, and the remote has a dedicated Alexa button for launching apps, searching for content and controlling smart devices on your network. This TV boasts Quantum Dot technology for reproducing stunning visuals and bright colors. When mounted, its AirSlim design allows it to blend seamlessly with your wall. The advanced processor automatically transforms non-UHD content into 4K and improves sound. You’d be hard-pressed to find a better TV for your home entertainment hub than this 77-inch LG smart TV. OLED technology produces accurate colors and deep blacks, and the a8 AI processor automatically fine-tunes the picture quality based on what you’re watching. Plus, it features NVIDIA G-Sync, AMD FreeSync Premium and VRR for improved gaming. This high-end smart TV boasts advanced OLED HDR+ technology, which enhances image brightness and clarity. Dolby Atmos and Object Tracking Sound Lite produce excellent sound quality, and the 144-hertz refresh rate delivers ultrasmooth motion for gaming and live sports. Plus, the smart Tizen OS offers streaming and gaming access. If you want a cheap smart TV for a smaller room in your home, this 42-inch Insignia Fire TV is the one for you. It’s a full HD TV with a 1080p resolution and a built-in Fire TV interface for streaming content from apps such as Netflix, Prime Video and Disney+. The Alexa voice remote makes it easy to find your favorite movies. This Hisense 65-inch TV features advanced Mini-LED technology for reproducing dark blacks and vibrant colors. Dolby Vision delivers superior picture quality, and the dedicated game mode provides a variable refresh rate for smooth gaming. The voice remote is convenient for finding content, and the smart TV interface is intuitive. If you have the space in your home for this massive TV, you’ll love the cinematic experience it offers. QLED technology delivers dazzling visuals and rich colors, and HDR Pro+ boosts contrast, brightness and clarity no matter what you watch. It has an integrated Google TV interface and is compatible with Alexa. Amazon Fire TV 43-Inch 4-Series 4K UHD Smart TV 38% OFF Amazon Fire TV 65-Inch Omni QLED Series 4K UHD Smart TV 25% OFF Amazon Fire TV 50-Inch Omni Series 4K UHD Smart TV 31% OFF Sony 75-Inch 4K Ultra HD Google TV Bravia TV 28% OFF Samsung 55-Inch Class QLED 4K Q80D Series Quantum HDR+ Smart TV 33% OFF LG 86-Inch Class UHD Smart TV 23% OFF LG 55-Inch Class QNED85T Series LED Smart TV 13% OFF Prices listed reflect time and date of publication and are subject to change. Check out our Daily Deals for the best products at the best prices and sign up here to receive the BestReviews weekly newsletter full of shopping inspo and sales. BestReviews spends thousands of hours researching, analyzing and testing products to recommend the best picks for most consumers. BestReviews and its newspaper partners may earn a commission if you purchase a product through one of our links.None
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For the first time since October 6th, the headlines will read “Cowboys win.” In one of the craziest games you will ever see, Dallas pulled off a 34-26 upset over the Washington Commanders. With this wild win, the Cowboys have snapped a 5-game losing streak. That was seriously the weirdest NFL game I have seen. From the start to the finish, that was truly insane. We saw a slew of bizarre plays, turnovers, blocked kicks, a seemingly game-icing kickoff return touchdown, before a miracle touchdown and a missed extra point. At times, it felt like both teams were competing to lose this one, but you can’t knock Dallas ‘ effort today. They played incredibly hard, especially on the defensive side. Mike Zimmer’s guys stood out today, and they needed to. There were no excuses this time around . This game was a circus. I have no idea what we just witnessed, but let’s dive into it. How Did That Happen? If you’re trying to piece together exactly how that Cowboys win happened, you have to start with the incredibly sloppy play by Washington. The Commanders’ offense, until the final three minutes, was brutal today; they turned it over, missed opportunities, and overall looked like a lackluster unit. For a team that has been nothing but fireworks on that side of the ball, this was a dud for 98% of the game. Washington turned it over twice, including a Jayden Daniels’ bizarre interception by Defensive End, Chauncey Golston. Chauncey Golston makes play on the ball for the INT : #DALvsWAS on FOX : https://t.co/waVpO909ge pic.twitter.com/wCl0Uzlk0X In addition to the offensive performance, what ultimately killed them was one of the worst, most sloppy, special teams performances I’ve ever seen. Kicker Austin Seibert, who was returning from injury, missed two extra points and a 51-yard field goal early in the first quarter. One of those extra points, of course, came after an absolute miracle touchdown from Daniels to Terry McLaurin. On one play, in 12 seconds, the Commanders’ offense scored an 86-yard touchdown. The Dallas defense’s mistakes on this play will be overlooked by the mayhem of the moment, but boy, did they screw that up. JAYDEN DANIELS TO TERRY MCLAURIN NO WAYYYYYYYYYYYYYY!!!!!!!!!! 86 YARDS! pic.twitter.com/T3ITuxRk0c It wasn’t just in the field goal-kicking game, however. The Commanders made the bizarre decision to kick off to KaVontae Turpin late in the game, when they could instead have just kicked it out of the back end zone. This resulted in Turpin pulling off one of the best returns I’ve ever seen, and for just a moment, it seemed like that was going to be the game-winner. It’s important that we not just shine a light on Washington’s flubs, though; this victory was also the result of some impressive play from Dallas. Despite their mistakes at the end, the Cowboys defense stood tall, and the offense, occasionally, came up with some nice plays. This is a major morale boost for Dallas, as this game was not even expected to be close, but what does it mean in the big picture? The Bottom Line Heading into this game, it looked entirely possible for the Cowboys to lose out this season, and finish the year 3-14. Now, they have secured a win on the road as a huge underdog, and will now face the lowly Giants at home on Thanksgiving. Some will argue, including myself, that Dallas was better off losing this game as they are still far from the playoff picture. Cooper Rush, despite an improvement in performance today, is still clearly not built for a playoff push. At 4-7, this season is still likely all but over for Dallas. Cooper Rush HAS to start pushing the ball down the field. Teams are daring him to and he isn't making them pay. That said, could this win propel them, especially on the defensive side, to continue making good teams sweat? Most definitely. If they start playing with the chip on their shoulder that we saw today, they could become much more competitive. So, Cowboys fans , if you were rooting for a win today, enjoy it, it was crazy. If you were hoping for a continuation of the top-5 draft pick prophecy, don’t sweat it too much. The overall outlook for Dallas is still bleak, but man, this was a sight to see in Washington D.C. in Week 12. This article first appeared on Inside The Star and was syndicated with permission.Predators play the Devils following Josi's 2-goal gameMutual of America Capital Management LLC Sells 6,788 Shares of Kyndryl Holdings, Inc. (NYSE:KD)
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