Washington — Rep. Jason Crow of Colorado, the top Democrat on the bipartisan House task force investigating the assassination attempts against President-elect Donald Trump, said he's concerned that "there's a culture of silence" at the Secret Service that prevents agents from speaking out when they should. "I was struck by the stories in the recount of the specific actions of officers and agents on the ground that day," Crow said on "Face the Nation with Margaret Brennan." "There were some heroic ones, but there were also a lot of examples of people that knew that something was wrong and they didn't say anything." The task force, which the House voted to establish earlier this year, in recent days wrapped up its work probing security failures surrounding the July 13 assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania, and the Sept. 15 foiled attempt in West Palm Beach, Florida. In the wake of the initial attack, the Secret Service came under intense scrutiny, leading to the resignation of its director. Last week, Secret Service Acting Director Ronald Rowe testified before the panel in its final hearing, where he acknowledged the Secret Service's failure to adequately secure the area in Butler, noted "critical gaps" within the agency's operations and said "we did not meet the expectations of the American public, Congress, and our protectees." He noted that it has been his "singular focus to bring much-needed reform to the Secret Service. He added that the agency is "operating in a heightened threat environment, with expanding protection requirements." "The responsibilities of the Secret Service are critical to the national security of the United States," Rowe said, adding that "our agency is not defined by one failure, but by our ability to learn from mistakes." Task force chairman Rep. Mike Kelly, a Pennsylvania Republican whose district includes Butler, said the agency lacks the leadership it needs. And he argued that when the Secret Service was brought under the umbrella of the Department of Homeland Security, "they took away their identity — their exclusivity." "When you're the best of the best, when you're the elite of the elites, if you lose that, then all of a sudden you just become part of a team," Kelly said on "Face the Nation." "That was a huge mistake." On the July 13 attack, Kelly said the Secret Service failed "at every step of the way." "They failed from the first thing, from the picking of the site, the preparing the site to the coordination of the site, the ability to communicate," Kelly said, adding that there was no team meeting before the event, and local law enforcement wasn't included in the planning. "On July 13, there was a lack of professionalism, there was a lack of concern, there was a lack of coordination, and the ability to communicate is the one thing I'll never understand," Kelly said. "You knew you couldn't talk to each other. Why did you go forward?" Crow said important questions remain about the shooter in Butler and would-be shooter in West Palm Beach, saying that the task force submitted numerous requests to the Justice Department and FBI about their motivations. Crow claimed that the requests have been denied because the criminal investigations are ongoing, calling it an "unacceptable position" and accused the agencies of trying to "stonewall" Congress on the issue. The Colorado Democrat argued that when it comes to the Secret Service, there is a "systematic problem here." He noted that although there are "plenty of extraordinary agents and officers" in the Secret Service, there was a "failure of mission" in Butler. "The structure, the personnel, the staffing of the Secret Service hasn't changed in years, at the same time as we are now asking them to do things that they didn't do a decade ago," Crow said, saying the tempo of the job leaves agents without time for adequate training. "We are not developing their skills and their training, and I think you see the results of that." Meanwhile, Kelly said the task force has been working since Day One to try to help restore trust and confidence in the Secret Service, which he said was likely at "the lowest ebb" in its history. And he acknowledged the relentless pressure on the Secret Service. "You've got to be ready every single moment for anything that could possibly happen. Is that a difficult task? Yes, is it almost impossible?" Kelly said. "But you know what's not impossible, our dedication to the fact that we're going to do the best we can do every single day to ensure that the American people have the faith and trust and confidence they must have in us." Kaia Hubbard is a politics reporter for CBS News Digital, based in Washington, D.C.88 jili casino 。

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(The Center Square) – The Illinois House speaker’s executive assistant has reported to the witness stand at former House Speaker Michael Madigan’s corruption trial. Mika Baugher has worked for Illinois House Speaker Chris Welch, D-Hillside, since 2021. Baugher was Madigan’s executive assistant from 2017-2021. Madigan had been speaker for all but two years from 1983 to 2021. Baugher previously worked in the speaker’s office from 2001 to2010 and returned in 2013. U.S. government attorney Julia Schwartz introduced pages of Madigan’s schedules over a period of years, which included meetings and dinners with Madigan’s codefendant Michael McClain. The schedules also included meetings with Reyes Kurson law partner Victor Reyes, Madigan campaign worker Ed Moody, state Reps. Eddie Acevedo, D-Chicago, and Mike Zalewski, D-Riverside, Gov. J.B. Pritzker and others. AT&T Associate Director of Technology Jack Randall, who oversees wireless records for the company, took the stand Tuesday afternoon after former Chicago Alderman Daniel Solis finished his testimony. Randall discussed AT&T’s wireless network with a focus on the years 2017 and 2018. Randall explained that any given call might not go through the network’s nearest processing center. Randall reviewed and verified six calls that had been presented as government exhibits. Prosecutors played several recordings of McClain Tuesday, including conversations with former Madigan chief of staff Tim Mapes. In a call with state Rep. Bob Rita, D-Blue Island, McClain warned Rita about emails related to a gaming bill. McClain advised Rita not to put things in print and said, “The feds are gonna look at it.” Government attorney Sarah Streicher then played a series of calls related to gaming legislation. In one recording, McClain said he was a “Madigan’s agent” and that he was “guiding Rita.” Earlier Tuesday, McClain defense attorney John Mitchell resumed his cross-examination of Solis. After Mitchell asked Solis about his city pension of “approximately $100,000” per year, Solis said it was important to him as a government cooperator to keep his pension. Solis said he understood that his truthful cooperation could lead to the dismissal of his remaining bribery charge and thereby allow him to keep his pension. When asked by Mitchell, Solis affirmed that he was a well-respected alderman and Latino leader in Chicago. At times during Mitchell’s cross-examination of Solis, McClain had his elbows on the table in front of him with his head lowered against his clasped hands. Mitchell referred to a videotaped meeting at Solis’ City Hall office on Dec. 18, 2017, when Solis and McClain discussed the proposed development of state-owned land in Chicago’s Chinatown neighborhood. During the conversation, Solis mentioned developers Eddie Ni and Ray Chin and then-Speaker Madigan. “Eddie and Ray, have always been, well, not Eddie, ‘cause he’s recently maybe the last five years, but Ray, for the 22 years I’ve been here, he’s always been a strong supporter. Listens to my advice and everything. And so, in the past, I have been able to steer some work to Mike. And these guys will do the same thing. And then, so I’m hoping whatever happens in this 2019, 2018 election that this is gonna go through,” Solis told McClain. The Chinatown project faced opposition from then-Illinois Transportation Secretary Randy Blankenhorn, who served under Republican Gov. Bruce Rauner. In undercover video former Chicago Alderman Daniel Solis captured for federal investigators on Dec. 18, 2017, Solis meets with Michael McClain, codefendant in the corruption case against former Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan. During the meeting with Solis, McClain expressed optimism that the project might still go through. McClain also offered a “dual path,” with Democrat J.B. Pritzker projected to defeat Rauner in the gubernatorial election the following year. “Instead of just keeping it quiet, if that’s what we think is happening, then we wanna get inside the Pritzker group. So in 2019, the Pritzker IDOT will say, “OK,” McClain told Solis. After Mitchell finished, government attorney Diane MacArthur asked for a sidebar discussion, which led to an early lunch break at Judge John Robert Blakey’s direction. MacArthur introduced a recording of a phone call from Oct. 10, 2014, before Solis began cooperating with the government in 2016. During the call, Madigan asked Solis for an introduction to developer Michael Chivini of The Pizzuti Companies. Madigan attorney Dan Collins asked Solis if, in cooperation with the government, he was investigating conduct or people. Solis said he thought he was investigating crimes. When Collins asked if he was asked to develop evidence against Madigan, Solis said, “I’m not sure how to answer that.” Collins pressed Solis about one of his visits to a massage parlor, which Solis said he did at the government’s instruction. MacArthur objected and called for a sidebar. Shortly after, Judge Blakey told Solis he could step down. In undercover video former Chicago Alderman Daniel Solis captured for federal investigators on Dec. 18, 2017, Solis meets with Michael McClain, codefendant in the corruption case against former Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan. The jury was not seated until 9:59 a.m. Tuesday, after Blakey met with prosecutors and defense attorneys over “legal matters.” The judge called for an early lunch shortly after 11 a.m., again due to “legal matters” that involved attorneys resolving several issues. Blakey allowed prosecutors to address Solis’ cooperation in other investigations, including the corruption trial of former Chicago Alderman Ed Burke. The judge, however, instructed government attorneys not to use Burke’s name during redirect testimony. Prosecutors agreed to defense attorneys’ request that Burke be referred to as a “high-ranking official” instead of a “high-ranking alderman.” Madigan’s defense team had earlier objected to potential testimony from AT&T's Randall. McClain’s defense team joined the objection, but attorneys from all sides resolved the issues before the jury returned from lunch. Connie Mixon, professor of Political Science and director of the Urban Studies Program at Elmhurst University, told The Center Square that government attorneys have a lot of material. “They have many counts. They’re hoping that at least some of those counts are going to stick, and (they) usually have built a solid foundation upon which to make their case,” Mixon explained. Madigan and McClain are charged with 23 counts of bribery, racketeering and official misconduct in connection with a scheme that federal prosecutors referred to as "Madigan Enterprise." Prosecutors allege that ComEd and AT&T Illinois gave out no-work or little-work jobs and contract work to those loyal to Madigan to get legislation passed that would benefit them in Springfield. Four ComEd executives and lobbyists were convicted last year in a related trial, and ComEd itself agreed to pay $200 million in fines as part of a deferred prosecution agreement with prosecutors. Madigan served in the Illinois House from 1971 to 2021. He was speaker for all but two years between 1983 and 2021. Madigan also chaired the Democratic Party of Illinois from 1998 to 2021. McClain was a longtime lobbyist who previously served as a state representative in Illinois’ 48th district from 1973 to 1982. The trial is scheduled to resume Wednesday at the Everett McKinley Dirksen U.S. Courthouse in Chicago.Packers wide receiver Romeo Doubs leaves game because of concussion

Republicans rally around Hegseth, Trump's Pentagon pick, as Gaetz withdraws for attorney generalNone

Moderate to strong quakes strike western Aleutian Islands and offshoreMichael Clarke rips Usman Khawaja over baffling move that completely burned Aussie teammateOpinion editor’s note: Strib Voices publishes a mix of material from 11 contributing columnists , along with other commentary online and in print each day. To contribute, click here . ••• On a random Sunday afternoon in November, I got a text message from a friend containing a photo of a midsize family vehicle with a turkey on top. The turkey, to be clear, was alive. More than merely alive, in fact, she was majestic — a proud beast astride her noble steed. Imagine if a turkey on a Subaru roof in a parking garage had recently vanquished the armies of Napoleon and was having the victory memorialized in bronze. That was the vibe. She looked like a creature moved by the great forces of destiny. In reality, however, she was mostly just there to poop on some windshields. Which makes her about the Platonic ideal of a Minnesota urban turkey. Whether standing stubbornly in the intersections of Minneapolis, grazing in the backyard of the governor’s mansion in St. Paul or roaming in malevolent packs through the streets of Moorhead, wild turkeys are a fixture of our cities — generally as agents of chaos if not outright violence. When I asked Minnesotans on social media for their favorite turkey interactions, they told tales like the time a turkey faced off, tail feathers spread, against an ambulance. Or the couple of turkeys who became so enamored with their own reflections in a freshly washed vehicle that the birds refused to let the humans back into the car and, instead, chased them around a gas station parking lot. But the urban turkey is also a strangely beloved figure. People will tell you stories of their kids being harassed by a belligerent bird, but with a note of pride, as though this small childhood trauma was an honor. Back in March, Minneapolis’ Kenny neighborhood mourned the untimely death of a turkey known as “Gregory Peck,” who earned himself both a street-corner memorial and an article in this very publication . This duality of love and hate fits well with the birds’ history in our state. Turkeys are native to at least part of what is now Minnesota. But a combination of overhunting and (ironically) urbanization drove them to the brink during the 20th century. Even just two decades ago, it was rare to see the birds in Minneapolis or St. Paul, said Nathaniel Huck, resident game-bird specialist with the Minnesota Department of Natural Resources. “If you look at a map from the early 2000s of turkey distribution in North America, we have a big hole over the Twin Cities,” he said. The abundance of turkeys we ... let’s say “enjoy” ... today is the result of years of deliberate effort. Between the 1920s and 1960s, the DNR tried a number of different tactics to solve the problem of dwindling Minnesotan turkey populations, including hand-rearing birds in pens and importing turkeys from South Dakota, Arkansas and Nebraska. Everything failed. It wasn’t until a bird swap with Missouri in 1971 that a pack of wild turkeys released into rural Houston County near La Crosse, Wis., managed to survive and thrive. (The same cannot be said, sadly, for the ruffed grouse we sent to Missouri.) Minnesotans worked long and hard to bring turkeys back to the state. But the birds themselves are responsible for their urban success story, Huck said. The species has simply proven to be highly adaptable. Some individuals were able to tolerate people better than others. They were smart enough to learn how to find new food sources and navigate new environments. The turkey populations that do well in cities have higher levels of stress hormones than their country cousins, he told me, but they seem to suffer less harm from those hormones as well. In fact, these birds are so well adapted to cities that you can’t solve the “problem” of troublesome urban turkeys by returning them to nature. They aren’t from there. “You stick them in the middle of nowhere and they’ll wander around until they find another city to be successful in,” Huck said. We wanted turkeys. We got turkeys. But we have only so much control over how nature works. Humans can change the world in ways that make it harder for a species to thrive. We can overhunt (or overeat). And we can try to correct our mistakes. But when we do that, we can’t expect the species to be grateful and docile, primly refilling the exact ecological niche we drove it out of. Sometimes it finds a new gap to fit into. Sometimes a species comes back mean. You can try all you like to return to Eden, but what you might get is a flightless fowl fouling your windshield in a parking garage. And that’s actually pretty amazing. Huck sounded a little in awe when he told me urban turkeys don’t act anything like rural turkeys. “I’m a hunter and ... trying to pursue a [rural] turkey, they run the other direction. In town they don’t even act like they notice you.” For all their faults, we like urban turkeys because they are a symbol of resilience and independence ... and of simply not giving a damn. They don’t owe us civility. They know it. And it’s a kind of glorious, transcendent glimpse of the power of nature that you could not possibly get in the woods.

Once seemingly outrageous predictions about the trajectory of cryptocurrency bitcoin now look much less crazy. The digital coin’s price has more than doubled year-to-date, inching closer to the $100,000 threshold and increasing the implied value of all bitcoin in circulation to almost $2 trillion. With a friendly White House, a buyer spending billions, and new financial products launching, there’s reason to think it could stay there. Donald Trump’s U.S. presidential election victory heralds an administration that has enthusiastically embraced crypto. During his campaign, the president-elect touted ideas like creating a strategic bitcoin reserve, support for “miners” who create new coins, and firing the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission Chair Gary Gensler, who has pushed back against exotic schemes. Already, Trump’s team has met with industry executives to discuss creating a White House job focused on cryptocurrency policy, Bloomberg reported. That could nix litigation against cryptocurrency purveyors, or speed crypto-friendly legislation, further solidifying bitcoin’s incursion into traditional finance. Under the first Trump administration, U.S. traders gained access to regulated products like futures and options contracts. In early 2024, exchange-traded funds run by giants including BlackRock that track the spot price won approval, and now collectively hold $85 billion in digital assets. Following their roll-out, which opened crypto up further to retail buyers, bitcoin’s price spiked. The latest novelty is options trading on those ETFs, which began Wednesday for BlackRock’s BLK.N iShares Bitcoin Trust IBIT.O, drawing $2 billion in volume that day alone, according to Bloomberg. A derivatives market could smooth bitcoin’s famed volatility, while pulling in buying from market makers. It also helps that there’s a $100 billion buyer with a seemingly inexhaustible appetite in MicroStrategy MSTR.O. The company owns about 1.6% of all bitcoin and said in October that it would raise $42 billion over three years to buy more. The market, for now, is eagerly feeding the beast: on Wednesday, MicroStrategy priced $2.6 billion of bonds bearing zero interest that can convert into stock. Others are joining in. Some 78 companies together hold more than $80 billion in bitcoin as treasury assets, according to data from BitcoinTreasuries.net. They may be encouraged by MicroStrategy’s example. Its shares, despite effectively being a bet on bitcoin, have outperformed the currency’s vertiginous rise. This is, to be clear, a moment of extreme hype, and “crypto winters” have crushed bitcoin’s price before. Yet it’s also a perfect storm of political and financial support. Now more than ever, the hype cycle might become self-sustaining. Source: Reuters (Editing by Jonathan Guilford and Streisand Neto)Stock exchange boss cautions firms eyeing New York switch