mucus fishing syndrome A former president of the Calgary Homeless Foundation says he is deeply concerned by the Alberta government’s recent decision to overhaul the funding scheme for organizations providing services to homeless people. Tim Richter, who served as the foundation’s president from 2008 to 2012 and who now leads the Canadian Alliance to End Homelessness, a national charity, says the change is dangerous and will lead to more people falling through the cracks. Under the current model, the foundation and six other non-profit and other organizations act as local hubs and receive a lump sum of government money, which they distribute to smaller organizations in their area. But provincial Community and Social Services Minister Jason Nixon announced Friday that the government plans to ditch that model, and distribute the funding itself through existing government grants. Richter says under the current model, hub organizations like the foundation and Edmonton’s Homeward Trust ensure that smaller organizations within the same city work together to ensure needed services are available, and gaps are filled. He worries that under the new model, that unity and communication will be lost. “This turns back the clock on the homelessness response in Alberta 15 years,” he said. “It is a terribly dangerous move that will cost more, hurt people in the long run, and leave homelessness to explode across the province.” However, Nixon said Friday that the agencies receiving funding to dole out are essentially acting as middlemen, and it will be more efficient to eliminate that step. He also said the new process would improve “accountability and oversight” of the programs and services made available through the funding, and gave a couple of examples of funds being used in ways that didn’t align with the government’s goals. “We’ve seen evidence in the past of organizations distributing tents out into the community,” he said. “That would be a great example of where our government is focused on shelter and housing, not on providing encampments.” In an interview late Friday Nixon dismissed Richter’s concerns. “(Funding) will continue to be based on community need, and continue to go to frontline services associated in those communities,” he said. He also said the government provides a combined $101.5 million annually to the seven hub organizations and the new model is anticipated to increase the funding available. But Richter said the province will lose the local oversight and flexibility that the hub organizations provide. “Homelessness is local, and you need local leadership and local focus and local decision-making,” Richter said. “Who will be more efficient and more effective in coordinating a local response, people on the ground or somebody in a government office in Edmonton?” “What this announcement signals is that the government of Alberta does not want to solve homelessness, because solving homelessness requires building coordinated systems focused on ending it.” In an email Friday Homeward Trust said it wasn’t able to comment on the change. Kaely Cormack, a spokesperson for the Calgary Homeless Foundation, said the agency was only notified of the change Friday and is waiting for more details from the government. Janis Irwin, the Opposition NDP housing critic, is also critical of the government’s overhaul and says the move raises questions about which anti-homelessness organizations will receive funding going forward. Irwin said that given the UCP government’s staunch opposition to harm reduction services and total focus on addiction recovery, she thinks organizations like Boyle Street Community Services in her Edmonton riding could be at risk for losing funding. “I think it’s fair to think that they’ll be in jeopardy under this plan,” Irwin said, adding that she’s also concerned the province will lose data the hub organizations provide on homelessness in the province. “They’re going to be taking away the support for these organizations that provide the data that they should be using to make evidence-based decisions and they’re really going to be putting a whole lot of more unhoused folks at risk.” Nixon also announced Friday that a panel was being established to advise the government’s approach to homelessness, with a specific focus on homelessness in rural areas. The panel will also be tasked with engaging service providers on the new funding process over the next few months.Jimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’The gunman who stalked and killed UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson fled New York City by bus, police officials told CNN on Friday. Video of the suspected shooter leaving the scene of the shooting Wednesday showed him riding a bicycle to Central Park and later taking a taxi cab to a bus depot, Chief of Detectives Joseph Kenny told CNN. Here's the latest: The gunman who killed the CEO of the largest U.S. health insurer may have fled the city on a bus, New York City police officials told CNN on Friday. Video of the suspected shooter leaving the scene of the shooting Wednesday showed him riding a bicycle to Central Park and later taking a taxi cab to a bus depot, Chief of Detectives Joseph Kenny told CNN. “We have reason to believe that the person in question has left New York City,” Commissioner Jessica Tisch said. The gunman who killed the CEO of the largest U.S. health insurer made sure to wear a mask during the shooting yet left a trail of evidence in view of the nation’s biggest city and its network of security cameras that have aided authorities piecing together his movements and his identity. A law enforcement official said Friday that new surveillance footage shows the suspect riding the subway and visiting establishments in Manhattan and provided more clues about his actions in the days before he ambushed UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson . The gunman’s whereabouts and identity remain unknown Friday, as did the reason for Wednesday’s killing. New York City police say evidence firmly points to it being a targeted attack . ▶ Read more about the search for the gunman In many companies, investor meetings like the one UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson was walking to when he was fatally shot are viewed as very risky because details on the location and who will be speaking are highly publicized. “It gives people an opportunity to arrive well in advance and take a look at the room, take a look at how people would probably come and go out of a location,” said Dave Komendat, president of DSKomendat Risk Management Services, which is based in the greater Seattle area. Some firms respond by beefing up security. For example, tech companies routinely require everyone attending a major event, such as Apple’s annual unveiling of the next iPhone or a shareholder meeting, to go through airport-style security checkpoints before entering. Others forgo in-person meetings with shareholders. ▶ Read more about how companies protect their leaders Those images include New York’s subway system, a law enforcement official said. In establishments where the person was captured on camera, he always appeared to pay with cash, the official said. The official wasn’t authorized to discuss details of the ongoing investigation and spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity. — Mike Balsamo Medica, a Minnesota-based nonprofit health care firm that serves 1.5 million customers in 12 states, said it’s temporarily closing all six locations. The firm has offices in Minnesota, Wisconsin, Nebraska and North Dakota, and employs about 3,000 people. Employees will work from home, Medica spokesman Greg Bury said in an email Friday. “The safety of Medica employees is our top priority and we have increased security both for all of our employees,” a statement from Medica said. “Although we have received no specific threats related to our campuses, our office buildings will be temporarily closed out of an abundance of caution.” Bury also said biographical information on the company’s executives was taken down from its website as a precaution. The insurer cited the fatal shooting of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson in its announcement about the Dec. 12 event. “All of us at Centene are deeply saddened by Brian Thompson’s death and want to express our support for all of those affected. Health insurance is a big industry and a small community; many members of the CenTeam crossed paths with Brian during their careers,” Centene CEO Sarah M. London said in a news release. “He was a person with a deep sense of empathy and clear passion for improving access to care. Our hearts are with his family and his colleagues during this difficult time.” Centene Corp. has grown in recent years to become the largest insurer in Medicaid, the state- and federally funded program that covers care for people with low incomes. Insurers manage Medicaid coverage for states, and Centene has more than 13 million people enrolled in that coverage. The insurance company also said it’s focused on ensuring the safety of employees and assisting investigators. “While our hearts are broken, we have been touched by the huge outpouring of kindness and support in the hours since this horrific crime took place,” the company said. But he said Friday that he’s confident police will arrest the shooter. “We are on the right road to apprehend him and bring him to justice,” Adams said on TV station WPIX. Later, it removed their names and biographies entirely. Police and federal agents have been collecting information from Greyhound in an attempt to identify the suspect and are working to determine whether he purchased the ticket to New York in late November, a law enforcement official said. Investigators were also trying to obtain additional information from a cellphone recovered from a pedestrian plaza through which the shooter fled. The fatal shooting of Brian Thompson while walking alone on a New York City sidewalk has put a spotlight on the widely varied approaches companies take to protect their leaders against threats. Experts say today’s political, economic and technological climate is only going to make the job of evaluating threats against executives and taking action to protect them even more difficult, experts say. Some organizations have a protective intelligence group that uses digital tools such as machine learning or artificial intelligence to comb through online comments to detect threats not only on social media platforms such as X but also on the dark web, says Komendat. They look for what’s being said about the company, its employees and its leadership to uncover risks. ▶ Read more about the steps companies take to protect their leadership Police said Thursday they found a water bottle and protein bar wrapper from a trash can near the scene of the ambush and think the suspect bought them from a Starbucks minutes before the shooting. The items were being tested by the city’s medical examiner. Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission. Get the latest local business news delivered FREE to your inbox weekly.Work on new Key Bridge will start in January, Maryland officials say

Vice President Kamala Harris rarely, if ever, brought up transgender rights during her 2024 presidential bid — but President-elect Donald Trump did, devoting . Yahoo News reporter Andrew Romano breaks down a new Yahoo News/YouGov poll that shows how that $37 million investment appears to have paid off at the ballot box.

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Andrew Wiggins scores 30 to lead the Warriors past the Pelicans 112-108 in NBA Cup playIt’s not about them. Or then. Though you’d think this would be the perfect time for the three guys who where there then , at the beginning of the Galaxy, to regale the talented whippersnappers in their charge with tales of yore. No? You’d think Greg Vanney, Kevin Hartman and Dan Calichman, the Galaxy coaches who were among the original G’z – OGz? – would relish the opportunity to bask in the good ol’ days. That they’d want to luxuriate in their legacy as players who helped establish the Galaxy as MLS’s winningest franchise , with its nine MLS Cup Final appearances and five championships going into this season’s title match Saturday at Dignity Health Sports Park in Carson. Even just for this week leading up to the club’s championship game against the New York Red Bulls – the team formerly known as the New York/New Jersey MetroStars. It was against them that the Galaxy played their first match on April 13, 1996 , at the Rose Bowl, before a then-record crowd of of 69,255. • MLS Cup preview: Galaxy hosts New York Red Bulls in search of 6th title You’d assume it would be impossible to resist reminiscing about that if you were Vanney or Calichman, who patrolled the back line on that date in history. Stars on the first Galaxy team before circling back in 2021 as the head coach and trusted assistant , taking the reins of a team that hadn’t made the playoffs for four seasons and that remained in such disarray just last year that many of its most ardent fans boycotted matches . You’d expect it would be hard not to throw on a few campfire stories in camp this week if you were Hartman. A fan favorite , the bleached-blonde goalkeeper joined Vanney and Calichman in 1997. Wound up playing 10 of his 17 MLS seasons with the Galaxy, winning two MLS Cups, two U.S. Open Cups, two Supporters’ Shields and earning the nickname El Gato in L.A. – where he’d been working since 2017 as the director of the LA Galaxy Academy before reuniting with Vanney as his goalkeeper coach in 2021. You’d think. But no. “We’re reticent, we don’t want to be talking about the good old days,” Hartman said by phone this week, suggesting such focus would not only be misplaced but come across as “maybe a little egotistical.” “Every once in a while,” said Calichman, noting that when those sorts of conversations happen, it’s with individual players and in the context of how much MLS has grown. Because, really, these MLS veterans are living for the here and now. Pioneers turned prisoners of the moment, willingly and enthusiastically. Right now, most of their bandwidth is being spent figuring out how they’ll overcome the loss of Riqui Puig , the star midfielder who suffered a torn ACL in the 1-0 Western Conference final victory over Seattle last weekend. How they’ll defend Lewis Morgan and Emil Forsberg on one end and set up Joseph Paintsil and Gabriel Pec and Dejan Joveljić to do damage on the other. How they’ll continue to hold serve on their home turf, unbeaten this season at Dignity Health Sports Park, against a team that’s won on the road this postseason against Columbus, New York City FC and Orlando City SC. How they can spoil the Red Bulls’ Cinderella story as the Eastern Conference’s seventh seed ... How could they possibly have time for history lessons right now? Especially because no one needs a refresher; they already know. Whether or not they were there then, they know. The trust and belief borne of decades of partnership – Vanney and Hartman weren’t only Galaxy teammates, they also played and roomed together at UCLA; and Calichman was on Vanney’s staff with Toronto FC as that club reached the playoffs in five of six seasons, made three MLS Cup Finals appearances and won it all once – is coursing through this iteration of the Galaxy. “We all share a passion for this organization and the club and where we want it to be,” Vanney said this week. “But we also have known each other long enough to challenge each other and to put the right questions in front of each other in support. We know where to fill each other’s gaps.” Such airtight bonds are built through years of hard-earned successes and bitter disappointments, Hartman said. “We all have this culture of excellence that we share and we’re not going to take any shortcuts to get there,” he said. “We have such longstanding, trusting relationships, I don’t think any of us are afraid to voice our opinions ... and if there’s something that comes off wrong, we’re pretty forgiving of one another.” Calichman should say so: “Hopefully they’re being honest!” And from that place of understanding, the Galaxy is at last, after a long decade, again living up to the legacy that Vanney, Calichman and Hartman helped create all those years ago. “Culture can change, but the expectations within the club were set very early,” Calichman said. “In ’96, the Galaxy made it to the MLS Cup final, and unfortunately we didn’t win it, but that expectation was set ... we’re a team that is vying for trophies. We’re a team that will work hard. That standard never stopped.” “Sometimes there’s a burden that comes with a legacy with a team like this,” Vanney said. “But to be able to own that, this group has attacked it from Day One and hasn’t been afraid of it or in awe of it – and has gone for it. That’s one of the beauties of this group.” Because the best way to honor a legacy isn’t to treat it as a fable. It’s to write the next chapter.

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Dear Eric: We live on a lake and love hosting our great-nieces and nephews on school breaks and the entire family on vacations. My husband and I have no children. Our niece’s families are dear to us. Our 11-year-old great-nephew has been gaming now for about a year. When he comes to visit, instead of reading or playing cards or board games with us, he wants to disappear with his video games. We feel vacated. How do we navigate this with his parents who think his being on a video gaming team at school is awesome and I think it is a bad omen? What is a fair place of compromise and balance? — Game Off Dear Game Off: Let his parents parent their child. The other night I re-watched the movie “Network” from 1977. In it, a character in his 60s dismisses a character played by Faye Dunaway by saying, “She’s the television generation. She learned life from Bugs Bunny. The only reality she knows is what comes to her over her TV set.” Every generation has anxieties about the ways that technology is changing social interactions or altering the minds of the generations below. While some of those concerns are valid, those of Faye Dunaway’s generation (now in their 70s and 80s) would argue that they’ve managed to stay quite well-rounded, despite TV. In moderation, video games have been shown to improve a child’s cognitive function and working memory. While your great-nephew’s gaming might not be your choice, it’s important that you not seek to undermine the research and thinking that his parents have done about it. What you’re really yearning for is a sense of togetherness as a family, so try talking to your niece and her spouse about group activities you can plan to meet your great-nephew where he is. Dear Eric: I eat at a local restaurant a couple times a week and tend to get one of three meals. This one waitress asks me what I want to eat, but then interrupts me to make guesses or tell me my choice. I just put my head down and nod yes or no to the guesses. It’s frustrating, but not life-threatening. She enjoys it. I hate it. However, if I were to say something, it would force her to make the choice of being herself, doing something she likes doing, or appeasing me so I can order the way I want to order. I don’t know if this is a big enough problem to have a “high road.” The answer will not change my life. She can easily change, and I can easily suffer. The question is who gets to be themselves? — Speaking Up Dear Speaking Up: I worked in the service industry for more than a decade. I loved it. I loved seeing regulars, meeting new people and carrying a lot of beverages in my hands at one time. The whole bit. I also loved knowing what people wanted, but I would always ask and confirm. That’s part of the job. She may think you’re a regular who likes to be known in this way. So, informing her that that’s not the case won’t be keeping her from being herself. It will be helping her to do her job better. You may not have the kind of temperament that easily or comfortably course-corrects in social situations. That’s just fine. But know you won’t be causing her suffering by saying something like, “I’ve already decided on my meal. Let’s skip the guessing today and I’ll just tell you.” This also clears the path for the two of you to talk about something else, if you want. Send questions to R. Eric Thomas at eric@askingeric.com . Get local news delivered to your inbox!LOS ANGELES — The Dodgers’ signing of Blake Snell became official Saturday, adding the two-time Cy Young Award winner to front a starting rotation stocked with question marks. Snell, who will turn 32 next week, agreed to a five-year, $182 million contract that includes a $52 million signing bonus and $65 million in deferred salary. That deal was pending a physical which Snell passed. The 2018 American League Cy Young Award winner with the Tampa Bay Rays, Snell won the National League Cy Young in 2023 after going 14-9 with a 2.25 ERA for the San Diego Padres. He became a free agent last winter but stayed on the market well into March looking for a long-term deal that never materialized despite his Cy Young history. The Dodgers were involved with Snell at one point before he signed a two-year, $62 million contract with the San Francisco Giants that included an opt-out clause. He exercised that opt-out after going 5-3 with a 3.12 ERA in an injury-interrupted season with the Giants. He had 145 strikeouts and just 44 walks in 104 innings. But he made just 20 starts due to two trips to the injured list with a groin injury (likely related to his late signing affecting his preparation for the season). The 20 starts were his fewest in a full season since his rookie year in 2016 (19 starts). Snell goes to the front of a rotation that includes a number of players returning from injury and/or surgery. Shohei Ohtani is expected to return to pitching after undergoing his second Tommy John surgery in September 2023. But his return to the mound will be delayed by surgery on his non-throwing shoulder following the World Series. Yoshinobu Yamamoto finished the 2024 season healthy but missed three months with a rotator cuff strain. Neither he nor Ohtani will be asked to pitch on less than five days of rest and the Dodgers are planning to go with a six-man rotation in 2025. Related Articles Tyler Glasnow’s 2024 season ended early with an elbow injury and his status for 2025 is uncertain. Tony Gonsolin will be returning from Tommy John surgery. Dustin May did not pitch in 2024 while recovering from his own elbow surgery and a torn esophagus. Emmet Sheehan is expected back at some point in 2025 after his Tommy John surgery. Clayton Kershaw is expected to re-sign at some point. But he underwent foot and knee surgeries in November and is not likely to be available for a full season. Walker Buehler and Jack Flaherty are free agents. The Dodgers will start the 2025 season early again with another trip to Asia. They are scheduled to open the regular season with two games against the Chicago Cubs on March 18 and 19 in Tokyo.

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PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.