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WASHINGTON — President Joe Biden kicked off his final holiday season at the White House on Monday by issuing the traditional reprieve to two turkeys who will bypass the Thanksgiving table to live out their days in southern Minnesota. Biden welcomed 2,500 guests to the South Lawn under sunny skies as he cracked jokes about the fates of “Peach” and “Blossom” and sounded wistful tones about the last weeks of his presidency after a half-century in Washington power circles. “It’s been the honor of my life. I’m forever grateful,” Biden said, taking note of his impending departure on Jan. 20, 2025. That’s when power will transfer to Republican President-elect Donald Trump, the man Biden defeated four years ago and was battling again until he was pressured to bow out of the race amid concerns about his age and viability. Biden is 82. Until Inauguration Day, the president and first lady Jill Biden will continue a busy run of festivities that will double as their long goodbye. The White House schedule in December is replete with holiday parties for various constituencies, from West Wing staff to members of Congress and the White House press corps. Biden relished the brief ceremony with the pardoned turkeys, named for the official flower of the president’s home state of Delaware. “The peach pie in my state is one of my favorites,” he said during remarks that were occasionally interrupted by Peach gobbling atop the table to Biden’s right. “Peach is making a last-minute plea,” Biden said at one point, drawing laughter from an overflow crowd that included Cabinet members, White House staff and their families, and students from 4H programs and Future Farmers of America chapters. Biden introduced Peach as a bird who “lives by the motto, ‘Keep calm and gobble on.’” Blossom, the president said, has a different motto: “No fowl play. Just Minnesota nice.” Peach and Blossom came from the farm of John Zimmerman, near the southern Minnesota city of Northfield. Zimmerman, who has raised about 4 million turkeys, is president of the National Turkey Federation, the group that has gifted U.S. presidents Thanksgiving turkeys since the Truman administration after World War II. President Harry Truman, however, preferred to eat the birds. Official pardon ceremonies did not become an annual White House tradition until the administration of President George H.W. Bush in 1989. With their presidential reprieve, Peach and Blossom will live out their days at Farmamerica, an agriculture interpretative center near Waseca in southern Minnesota. The center’s aim is to promote agriculture and educate future farmers and others about agriculture in America. Separately Monday, first lady Jill Biden received the official White House Christmas tree that will be decorated and put on display in the Blue Room. The 18.5 foot (5.64 meters) Fraser fir came from a farm in an area of western North Carolina that recently was devastated by Hurricane Helene. Cartner’s Christmas Tree Farm lost thousands of trees in the storm “but this one remained standing and they named it ‘Tremendous’ for the extraordinary hope that it represents,” Jill Biden said at the event. The Bidens were also traveling to New York City on Monday for an evening “Friendsgiving” event at a Coast Guard station on Staten Island. Biden began his valedictory calendar Friday night with a gala for hundreds of his friends, supporters and staff members who gathered in a pavilion erected on the South Lawn, with a view out to the Lincoln Memorial. Cabinet secretaries, Democratic donors and his longest-serving staff members came together to hear from the president and pay tribute, with no evidence that Biden was effectively forced from the Democratic ticket this summer and watched Vice President Kamala Harris suffer defeat on Nov. 5. “I’m so proud that we’ve done all of this with a deep belief in the core values of America,” said Biden, sporting a tuxedo for the black-tie event. Setting aside his criticisms of Trump as a fundamental threat to democracy, Biden added his characteristic national cheerleading: “I fully believe that America is better positioned to lead the world today than at any point in my 50 years of public service.” The first lady toasted her husband with a nod to his 2020 campaign promise to “restore the soul of the nation,” in Trump’s aftermath. With the results on Election Day, however, Biden’s four years now become sandwiched in the middle of an era dominated by Trump’s presence on the national stage and in the White House. Even as the first couple avoided the context surrounding the president’s coming exit, those political realities were nonetheless apparent, as younger Democrats like Maryland Gov. Wes Moore , Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker and Biden’s Secretary of Transportation Pete Buttigieg not only raised their glasses to the president but held forth with many attendees who could remain in the party’s power circles in the 2028 election cycle and beyond. Associated Press writer Steve Karnowski in Minneapolis contributed to this report.Jimmy Carter, former president and Nobel Peace Prize winner, dies at age 100

ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care, at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023, spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A president from Plains A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. And then, the world Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors. He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” ‘An epic American life’ Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners. He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. A small-town start James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian, would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. 'Jimmy Who?' His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Accomplishments, and ‘malaise’ Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. 'A wonderful life' At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015. “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.Will Riley's 19 points in the 2nd half leads No. 25 Illinois past Maryland Eastern Shore 87-40Ontario dog lover with millions of followers looks to unite pooch with Quebec family

Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's government on Monday survived a third vote of no confidence in as many months, brought by his main Tory rival. The minority Liberal government got the support of the New Democratic Party (NDP), a small leftist faction once aligned with the ruling Liberals, to defeat the motion 180-152. The text of the proposition echoed NDP leader Jagmeet Singh's own past criticisms of Trudeau since breaking off their partnership in late August, calling him "too weak, too selfish." Neither Singh nor Trudeau were present for the vote. The House of Commons has been deadlocked most of this fall session by an unprecedented two-month filibuster by the Conservatives. But Speaker Greg Fergus, in a rare move, ordered a short break in the deadlock to allow for this and other possible confidence votes, and for lawmakers to vote on a key spending measure. MPs are scheduled to vote Tuesday on the spending package, which includes funds for social services, disaster relief and support for Ukraine. With a 20-point lead in polls, Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre has been itching for an election call since the NDP tore up its coalition agreement with the Liberals. But the NDP and other opposition parties, whose support is needed to bring down the Liberals, have so far refused to side with the Conservatives. Two no-confidence votes brought by the Tories in September and October failed when the NDP and the separatist Bloc Quebecois backed the Liberals. In Canada's Westminster parliamentary system, a ruling party must hold the confidence of the House of Commons, which means maintaining support from a majority of members. The Liberals currently have 153 seats, versus 119 for the Conservatives, 33 for the Bloc Quebecois, and the NDP's 25. Trudeau swept to power in 2015 and has managed to hold on through two elections in 2019 and 2021. amc/bs/bjtAmerican booty

Check out a full Iowa scouting report that examines the Hawkeyes' offensive and defensive statistics and more ahead of their game against Nebraska. * * * Record: 7-4 Offensive yards per play: 5.7 (73rd nationally) Defensive yards per play: 5.0 (34th) Turnover margin: +11 (T-8th) Penalty yards per game: 29.7 (3rd) Kirk Ferentz (215-144 career, 203-123 at Iowa) New Big Ten, same Iowa. The Hawkeyes have continued to play solid football in Kirk Ferentz's 26th season at the helm, hanging their hat on playing defense and running the football. They lost to the two currently ranked teams they've played and had a couple unexpected road shortcomings, but remain 5-1 at home with a number of decisive victories in conference play. People are also reading... Recap: Here's how Joey Graziadei will win 'Dancing with the Stars' They fell in love with Beatrice. So they opened a store in downtown. At the courthouse, Nov. 23, 2024 Search warrants lead to arrest of man in narcotics investigation No change in bond amounts in child abuse death case Clabaugh family presents Outstanding Educator award Harmonizers to perform Courthouse lighting ceremony planned for Sunday Kidnapping in Nebraska prompted police chase that ended with 3 dead on I-29 in Missouri Inside Nebraska volleyball’s finishing kick for a Big Ten title: First up, Wisconsin Zitel bound over to district court in death of child Just Askin': Dana Holgorsen noncommittal on future, ranking a big week for Nebraska Athletics Streaming review: 'Landman' gives Billy Bob Thornton a real gusher of a series Amie Just: Bring out the tissues — and the brooms — for Nebraska volleyball's emotional win At the courthouse, Nov. 16, 2024 Type: Run-heavy Coordinator: Tim Lester Letting go of Brian Ferentz and bringing in Lester in the offseason has paid dividends for the Hawkeyes already. The Iowa offense has returned to being a respectable unit, its 29.4 points per game ranking 55th nationally. Even with inconsistent health and quality at quarterback, an outstanding ground game has helped lead the team to some blowout wins. Type: 4-2-5 Coordinator: Phil Parker After fielding top-five units the past two years, Parker's defense has seen a slight drop. The Hawkeyes allow 17.7 points per game, fifth in the Big Ten and 12th nationally. Of course, that's still a pretty good number from the accomplished Iowa coordinator, but Michigan State and UCLA were able to break through enough for wins despite not having inspiring offensive attacks. Kaleb Johnson, running back: The nation's second-leading rusher behind Boise State's Ashton Jeanty, no Big Ten back has been in the same realm of total production as Johnson has in 2024. He's already broken Iowa's single-season rushing touchdown record and is third on the program's list for yards on the ground in a season. Jay Higgins, linebacker: Leads Iowa in total tackles (106), interceptions (4) and forced fumbles (2), while ranking third on the team in pass breakups (5). The fifth-year linebacker has done a bit of everything for the Hawkeyes. "Their players are waving at our guys — ‘Hey, have a good Christmas!’ — that was painful. That was really painful. So I don’t doubt that our guys will be ready. But their guys will be ready. It really just comes down to football." — Nebraska coach Matt Rhule on the team's loss to Iowa in 2023 "This back is fantastic, he makes people miss, and he can burst and go the distance... [Iowa's] doing a really good job, and they’ve run some people off the field just by running the football down their throat." — Nebraska coach Matt Rhule on Iowa's run game "First start as our quarterback... He played with a lot of poise, good awareness out there, made the plays we were hoping we'd make and made good decisions most importantly and protected the football." — Iowa coach Kirk Ferentz on quarterback Jackson Stratton's performance against Maryland 227: Pass attempts by Iowa this year, the least in the Big Ten. Michigan is next with 50 more. 14: Iowa's increase in points per game from last season to this one — from 15.4 to 29.4. 24: Punts downed inside the opponent's 20-yard line by Iowa, the most in the Big Ten. Aug. 31 Illinois State, W 40-0 Sept. 7 Iowa State, L 20-19 Sept. 14 Troy, W 38-21 Sept. 21 at Minnesota, W 31-14 Oct. 5 at Ohio State, L 35-7 Oct. 12 Washington, W 40-16 Oct. 19 at Michigan State, L 32-20 Oct. 26 Northwestern, W 40-14 Nov. 2 Wisconsin, W 42-10 Nov. 8 at UCLA, L 20-17 Nov. 23 at Maryland, W 29-13 Nov. 29 Nebraska Get local news delivered to your inbox!New York: Bitcoin posted its longest losing streak in the period since Trump's US election victory, after a failed run at $100,000 cooled the speculative fervor sparked by the president-elect's embrace of crypto. The four straight days of declines have lopped about 8% off the digital asset, which traded at $91,615 as of 6:42 a.m. Tuesday in New York. The wider crypto market gave up some of its $1 trillion advance since Election Day on Nov. 5. The difficulty of trying to crack $100,000 for the first time "could convince traders that the top is in, and profits should be locked in now," wrote Noelle Acheson, author of the Crypto Is Macro Now newsletter. However, any such episode should be "fleeting," she added. Cryptocurrencies also faced a bout of risk aversion after Trump roiled markets by vowing additional tariffs on China as well as US neighbors Canada and Mexico. Stocks wavered and the dollar was firm in a sign of investor caution. Crypto Tracker TOP COIN SETS NFT & Metaverse Tracker 24.61% Buy Web3 Tracker 14.01% Buy Crypto Blue Chip - 5 2.75% Buy BTC 50 :: ETH 50 2.07% Buy AI Tracker 1.75% Buy TOP COINS (₹) Tether 84 ( 0.39% ) Buy Bitcoin 7,746,992 ( -1.53% ) Buy Solana 19,456 ( -2.04% ) Buy Ethereum 280,458 ( -2.92% ) Buy BNB 51,749 ( -3.6% ) Buy "People have been looking for an excuse to take some profits," said Adrian Przelozny, CEO of crypto exchange Independent Reserve. Did you Know? The world of cryptocurrencies is very dynamic. Prices can go up or down in a matter of seconds. Thus, having reliable answers to such questions is crucial for investors. View Details » Trump has pledged to make the US the global home for crypto by fostering supportive regulations as well as a national Bitcoin stockpile. Questions remain about how quickly he can make the changes and whether all are feasible. 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Lautoka Maroons Aims Big in 2025Mors 3-4 2-3 8, Cluff 8-11 3-3 20, Garry 3-6 2-2 9, Larson 3-8 0-0 8, Sayler 1-6 2-2 5, Hadnot 3-4 1-2 7, Jackson 2-5 0-0 5, Barnhart 2-2 0-0 5, Lindsey 0-3 0-0 0, Whorton 2-3 2-2 6, Wilkinson 1-2 0-0 2. Totals 28-54 12-14 75. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.

Agora, Inc. Reports Third Quarter 2024 Financial ResultsWOODLAND PARK, N.J. , Nov. 26, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Anterix (NASDAQ: ATEX ) Chief Operating Officer Ryan Gerbrandt will participate in a panel discussion related to the 900 MHz private wireless broadband revolution and its impact on helping our nation's utilities transform critical infrastructure. This panel will be held on December 5, 2024 , from 2:30 p.m. - 3:20 p.m. , during Janney's 2nd Annual Clean Energy Investment Symposium, taking place in New Orleans, LA . Additionally, Anterix Vice Chairman Tom Kuhn will deliver keynote remarks for the symposium at 7:30 p.m. on December 4 at the National WWII Museum. This keynote address will cover a range of strategic challenges and opportunities for utilities and critical infrastructure. Anterix will also host one-on-one meetings with interested investors during the event. Please contact your Janney representative to schedule a meeting. Shareholder Contact Natasha Vecchiarelli Vice President, Investor Relations & Corporate Communications Anterix 973-531-4397 [email protected] About Anterix At Anterix, we partner with leading utilities and technology companies to harness the power of 900 MHz broadband for modernized grid solutions. Leading an ecosystem of more than 100 members, we offer utility-first solutions to modernize the grid and solve the challenges that utilities are facing today. As the largest holder of licensed spectrum in the 900 MHz band (896-901/935-940 MHz) throughout the contiguous United States , plus Alaska , Hawaii , and Puerto Rico , we are uniquely positioned to enable private wireless broadband solutions that support cutting-edge advanced communications capabilities for a cleaner, safer, and more secure energy future. To learn more and join the 900 MHz movement, please visit www.anterix.com . SOURCE Anterix Inc.

Their subsequent free fall has been even more jarring. The Cardinals could have moved into a tie for first place in the NFC West with a home win over the Seattle Seahawks on Sunday. Instead, they were thoroughly outplayed in a 30-18 loss and are now tied for last in the tightly packed division. Arizona has lost three straight and will face an uphill battle to return to the playoffs for the first time since 2021. The Seahawks (8-5) are in first place, followed by the Rams (7-6), Cardinals (6-7) and 49ers (6-7). Even more daunting for their playoff hopes, the Cardinals lost both of their games against the Seahawks this season, meaning a tiebreaker would go to Seattle. Four games remain. “I just told them we put ourselves in a little bit of a hole now, but all you can do is attack tomorrow, learn tomorrow and have a good week of practice,” second-year coach Jonathan Gannon said. There are plenty of reasons the Cardinals lost to the Seahawks, including Kyler Murray's two interceptions, a handful of holding penalties, a porous run defense and a brutal missed field goal. It all adds up to the fact Arizona is playing its worst football of the season at a time when it needed its best. “I’m sure we’ll stick to our process, but we have to tweak some things,” Gannon said. "I have to tweak some things.” It's probably faint praise, but the Cardinals did make the game interesting in the second half while trying to fight back from a 27-10 deficit. Murray's shovel pass to James Conner for a 2-yard touchdown and subsequent 2-point conversion cut the margin to 27-18. The Cardinals had a chance to make it a one-score contest early in the fourth quarter, but Chad Ryland's 40-yard field goal attempt bounced off the left upright. “I thought we spotted them a lot of points there, but then we battled back,” Gannon said. “I appreciate their effort. That was good. We battled back there, had a couple chances to even cut the lead a little more, but ultimately didn’t get it done." Murray's in a bit of a mini-slump after throwing two interceptions in back-to-back games for the first time in his career. He also didn't do much in the run game against the Seahawks, with 16 yards on three carries. The quarterback's decision-making was nearly flawless for much of the season and the Cardinals need that good judgment to return. “I’m not looking at it like I have to try to be Superman,” Murray said. “I don’t think that’s the answer. I just need to play within the offense like we’ve done for the majority of the season. Today, I didn’t. Like I said, throwing two picks puts yourself behind the eight ball.” Said Gannon: “I thought he stuck in there and made some big time throws, though, but he has to protect the ball a little bit better. That’s not just him, that’s all 11. So there’ll be a lot of corrections off those plays." The defense didn't have its best day, but it's not Budda Baker's fault. The two-time All-Pro safety is having another phenomenal season and was all over the field against the Seahawks, finishing with 18 tackles. Baker's energy is relentless and he's the unquestioned leader of a group that has been better than expected this season, even with Sunday's mediocre performance. Left tackle Paris Johnson Jr. had a tough day, getting flagged for holding three times, though one of those penalties was declined by the Seahawks. The second-year player moved from right tackle to the left side during the offseason and the transition has gone well, but Sunday was a step backward. The Cardinals remain fairly healthy. DL Roy Lopez (ankle) and P Blake Gillikin (ankle) left Sunday's game, but neither injury is expected to be long term. 9 — It looks as if the Cardinals will go a ninth straight season without winning the NFC West. The last time they won the division was 2015 with coach Bruce Arians and a core offense of quarterback Carson Palmer, running back David Johnson and receiver Larry Fitzgerald. The Cardinals are in must-win territory now for any chance at the playoffs. They'll host the New England Patriots on Sunday. AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/NFLNone

Jimmy Carter, nation’s 39th president who became influential human rights advocate, diesCardinals' sudden 3-game tailspin has turned their once solid playoff hopes into a long shotLabour face crunch vote on heartless farmer tax after secret meeting

California’s two best known “progressive” prosecutors were doing what they promised the voters who elected them. Pamela Price, elected as Alameda County District Attorney in 2022, implemented a policy to guard against racial biases in sentencing enhancements and exposed the exclusion of Black and Jewish people from death penalty juries. A court-order to review those biases is currently underway. George Gascón, a former San Francisco police chief first elected as Los Angeles County District Attorney in 2020, established policies that prohibited his prosecutors from pursuing exorbitant sentencing enhancements, transferring juvenile cases into adult courts, and advocating against offender reentry at parole board hearings. But their movement suffered a serious setback in this month’s election when Price failed to defeat a recall, and Gascón lost his bid for reelection in a landslide to Nathan Hochman, a former federal prosecutor who ran for attorney general as a Republican two years ago. Those defeats followed on the heels of San Francisco’s former progressive district attorney, Chesa Boudin , who was recalled in 2022. The ousting of the two district attorneys punctuates a change in statewide views on law enforcement and public safety approaches. California voters this election overwhelmingly approved Proposition 36 , a tough-on-crime measure that stiffened penalties for some drug and theft crimes. “You can’t just burn the system down,” said Anne Marie Schubert, former Sacramento County District Attorney, who battled former Gov. Jerry Brown over his criminal justice policies. “They get elected and then all of a sudden, they implement policies that are so far removed from being a real prosecutor who is seeking balance and accountability.” It’s a sobering moment for criminal justice advocates who backed progressive prosecutors around the nation over the past decade. “All successful movements experience setbacks, and the movement to course correct the criminal justice system is no different,” said Anne Irwin, founder and director of the criminal justice advocacy group Smart Justice California. “We will regroup and continue to fight for the values that animate our work.” Nearly a decade ago, criminal justice advocates looked to who they saw as the most important decision makers in the state’s criminal justice ecosystem – prosecutors. In an attempt to counteract the over-incarceration of Black and brown people that resulted from decades of tough-on-crime prosecution, leaders of the movement encouraged prosecutors to use tools that weren’t entirely dependent on incarceration as a way to address harm in a community. According to Cynthia Chandler, policy director for Price, that has meant addressing the root causes of violence and giving prosecutors flexibility in how they respond to crime, such as sending more people to diversion programs as an alternative to incarceration. “Ultimately, what’s behind the vision of a progressive prosecutor is a prosecutor who is committed to the ethical mandate placed on prosecutors to search for truth and justice,” Chandler said. “And the search for truth is not furthered by seeking out a pound of flesh.” The movement picked up in 2016 with funding from Democratic mega-donor George Soros . For the most part, progressive prosecutors have been on the rise since then, with candidates finding success in places such as Chicago, Philadelphia and Brooklyn. This election, two progressive prosecutors won their races in Orlando, Florida and Austin, Texas. But UC Berkeley political science professor Eric Schickler says progressive defeats in California suggest the need for recalibration. “Social movements often come onto the scene with a very big, bold kind of vision,” Schickler said. “And to the extent that they’re successful and then get involved in actual governance, there tend to be forces that push back. It’s hard to change everything all at once. There’s built-in resistance both bureaucratically and also in public opinion.” In California, these district attorneys faced an additional hurdle because the state allows voters to recall prosecutors before their term is up. Price lost her office just two years into a six-year term. “Some of these prosecutors have been put in really tricky positions, and particularly with the ones who faced a recall, (they) were barely able to implement anything in office before wealthy interests had mobilized to gather enough signatures to try to drive them out,” said Becca Goldstein, assistant professor of Law at UC Berkeley. Dan Schnur, a political analyst and professor at the University of Southern California attributes the defeat of Price and Gascón to ideological and management factors. When voters expressed growing concern over what they viewed as a lenient response to public safety and criminal justice, Schnur said the DAs failed to recognize them. “The best politicians are those who are able to adjust to and address those changes in public opinion,” Schnur said. “Those who aren’t able to adjust become former elected officials.” In the wake of their defeats, criminal justice reform advocates are taking a closer look at their strategy. Boudin, now executive director of UC Berkeley’s Criminal Law & Justice Center, said criminal justice reform advocates have to do a better job of messaging the vision for their policies. “You can’t expect elected prosecutors to do the work of solving homelessness and substance use. They don’t have the tools (or) the mandate...so how can we, as a movement, make sure that we’re not just electing progressive prosecutors, but we’re electing mayors and boards of supervisors and city councils who are willing to do the policy work of solving these problems?” he said. “Because if we keep dumping them on the criminal justice system, it’s not going to work.” District attorneys, he said, cannot and should not be expected to solve all of the world’s problems. “To think that it is the DA’s job to clean up Skid Row, it’s absurd,” said Garrett Miller, president of the Los Angeles Public Defenders’ union. “That is a societal failure...it’s not just the DA, nor is it really his responsibility — even though he may claim it is.” It It’s unclear who will succeed Price. The Alameda County Board of Supervisors will appoint an interim replacement to lead the office until 2026. In Los Angeles County, the choice is definitive, with Hochman expected to make sweeping changes as soon as he replaces Gascon on Dec. 2. “We’re definitely afraid for our clients,” Miller said. “It’s a drastic change. Many more will do significantly more time. That’s the reality of it.” Michele Hanisee, president of the Association of Deputy District Attorneys of Los Angeles, said “everyone’s really excited” to see Hochman take over. “We’re immediately going to see the highly trained professionals of this office use their experience and knowledge to make decisions about the best outcomes for cases based upon the facts — rather than on blanket policies,” she said. “Which is the best thing for the defendants, for the victims, and for public safety.” Alameda County Chief Public Defender Brendan Woods said district attorneys in the mold of Gascón and Price “moved prosecution in the right direction, but it really is the direction it should have been moving in all along.” “I think there’s a space for prosecutors to do the right thing, independent of your label,” he continued. In Alameda County, Price was recalled with roughly 65% of votes. Nathan Hochman defeated Gascón with roughly 60% of votes. “To be truthful, I would like to believe it’s the end of (the progressive prosecutor movement),” Schubert said. “Any mainstream career prosecutor is going to tell you, yes – we support reforms. But at the end of it all, it cannot be extreme. It must be driven by the facts in the law. Every case is unique.” Those concerns were echoed by Napa County District Attorney Allison Haley, who backed Prop. 36. “There seems to be this sort of sentiment that everyone, if they just took a class, would get better and engage in no more criminal activities. That kind of naivete is harmful,” Haley said. “That can be true for many of the people we see through the criminal justice system. But we’ve done too good of a job of sanitizing what we do, because I believe that there exists cruelty.” Groups that supported Gascón and Price say their defeats don’t necessarily signal a far departure from voters’ investment in criminal justice reform. Proponents of Prop. 36, for example, talked about steering more people convicted of drug crimes to treatment . Hochman changed his political affiliation from a lifelong Republican to an independent before his run for district attorney. During his candidacy, he cited the need for more rehabilitation opportunities for incarcerated people and more community service programs for first-time, non-violent offenders. That tells some who supported progressive prosecutors that voters have not walked away from those values, but they’ve expressed frustration that things aren’t changing quickly enough, said Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of a nationwide organization that supports reform-oriented approaches to public safety. “I think there is a need and an eagerness from voters and residents in California to see a justice system that actually works – that’s not just a revolving door or a dungeon – and that we can find ways to problem solve, that we can find ways to rehabilitate people, that we can find better ways to help victims heal,” said Soto DeBerry. Irwin said California prosecutors who are “repudiating” their tough-on-crime identity signals a shift. “That’s really the story of the progressive prosecution’s evolution in California – that now, it’s become mainstream for candidates in prosecutor races up and down the state to actually embrace reform,” Irwin said. “They know that the approach they have taken for the last 30 years is no longer palpable for Californians. I really hope that they genuinely do the work of reform-minded prosecution rather than just paying it lip service at election time.”