San Francisco 49ers quarterback Brock Purdy will not play Sunday and head coach Kyle Shanahan said the lingering discomfort is a concern. Purdy sat out Friday after he participated in the start of Thursday's practice with the 49ers, then retreated indoors for what Shanahan said was a treatment session. Brandon Allen, 32, will start in Purdy's place, and the 49ers are also without defensive end Nick Bosa (oblique). Shanahan said players believe in Allen, even if he's an unknown. "Outside of here people haven't seen a lot of Brandon. But it's his second year (with the 49ers)," Shanahan said. "Obviously guys want Brock up, but guys are excited to see Brandon play." Shanahan said they are "a little surprised" Purdy experienced tightness and discomfort in his shoulder after an MRI exam on Monday that showed no long-term cause for concern. "The way it responded this week, it's really up in the air for next week," Shanahan said of Purdy. Allen is familiar to Packers head coach Matt LaFleur, who was an assistant coach with the Rams during Allen's two-year run in Los Angeles. Allen broke into the NFL in 2016 with the Jaguars and is 2-7 in nine career starts. He went 1-2 with the Broncos in 2019 and 1-5 in six starts over two years with the Bengals in 2020 and ‘21. Shanahan said Allen's confidence grew throughout the week and he doesn't anticipate a major change in how he calls the offense. Left tackle Trent Williams (ankle) also missed practice for the third consecutive day. Without disclosing the nature of the ailment to Purdy's throwing shoulder, general manager John Lynch confirmed Friday an MRI exam took place to determine the severity of any injury. Allen worked with the first team most of Thursday and Friday with Joshua Dobbs also taking snaps. Lynch described Purdy's status for the 49ers (5-5) this week as "tenuous." "Hopefully, he makes progress, and we can have a shot at this weekend, but we'll see," Lynch said in an interview with KNBR in San Francisco. "I think it's tenuous." When Purdy was on the field this week, he primarily worked on the side in position-specific drills with QB coach Brian Griese. Williams played through an ankle injury last week after being listed as questionable but exited the stadium with an exaggerated limp on Sunday. Run game coordinator Chris Foerster said the 49ers aren't where they want to be at 5-5 because they haven't won close games, not because of injuries. "Seven games left is like an eternity," Foerster said. "So much can happen. Do the math. What was our record last year? It was 12-5. I was on a 13-win team that was nowhere near as good as the team last year." With or without Purdy, Foerster said the challenge for the 49ers is not to give up the ball to a defense that has 19 takeaways. The 49ers have 13 giveaways this season. --Field Level MediaFormer US president Jimmy Carter has died at the age of 100Opinion editor’s note: Strib Voices publishes a mix of guest commentaries online and in print each day. To contribute, click here . ••• I’ll never forget where I was when I learned about the murder of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson. Eating breakfast after a Wednesday morning workout, I was checking headlines on X. I couldn’t believe my eyes and immediately turned on the television. After flipping from network to network, the former TV reporter in me wanted to learn all facts available at what was then approximately three hours post-shooting. My next gut reaction was to text a screenshot of the headline to one of the C-suite executives I coach and who has become a friend. Knowing he is regularly in New York City with his CEO, I couldn’t help but think about the what-ifs of the unthinkable ever happening to one of them. The sad part of the ongoing investigation is how this could be reality on any given day in any given city in the United States of America. You’ve seen headlines about gun control. You’ve likely read messages on various social media platforms condemning the health insurance industry and executives like Thompson. Unfortunately, humanity flushes out of people’s systems when they face their own grievances about life events. No matter your economic status, health care in the U.S. is a confusing road. But that’s for another column. For now, I would like to share reactions and insights from two current CEOs and two former C-suite executives across health care, banking, e-commerce and higher education with whom I’ve spoken in recent days. I will also share crisis prevention best practices through my lens as a crisis strategist. As we say on my podcast, “The Crisis Files,” it’s not a matter of if but when crisis will rock your world. Another executive I spoke with — a former president at a Fortune 15 health care company and current corporate board member — told me he has stayed at the same hotel in New York City where Thompson was heading when he was shot while attending similar health care conferences and investor meetings. His company, which is in distribution, used minimal security for U.S.-based travel, but he did regularly have security when visiting international locations, “especially in areas where violence and kidnapping were not uncommon events,” he said. His company also increased security during the height of the opioid epidemic when he said “drug manufacturers and distributors were viewed by some people as primarily responsible for deaths and addiction of millions.” Still, he doubts whether this tragedy will change overall behavior and security practices significantly over the long-term. Blaze Credit Union CEO Dan Stoltz is also in an industry where any customer or end-user feels their complaint should go straight to the top. He told me even though his “goal is to make every customer happy, some complaints get escalated.” He currently has no personal bodyguard. Blaze usually only hires security for annual meetings when several thousand people are in attendance. Stoltz said the killing of Thompson gives him and other CEOs he’s been in touch with since the tragedy pause. Many civilians and security pros are speculating the shooter had a grievance over a claim denial. In searching for a reason for the unthinkable, Stoltz said, “for customers that ‘no’ is a disrupter to them.” He and his team are now discussing their own future protocols. A CEO friend in the higher-education space said the first thing she thought about was the rest of Thompson’s staff and how this is a workplace safety issue. How might this affect her future decision-making for herself and her team? “There will be a bit of a cloud that permeates personally, professionally and emotionally,” she said, at least for a while. She added that other leaders will wonder just as she does: “Are decisions I am making going to make others less safe?” The reverberating effects of Dec. 4 in New York City will linger. I often say communication is the foundation and umbrella for everything we do. As organizations all over Minnesota, the country and the world evaluate their own safety protocols and brand identities, I recommend a three-part crisis prevention/crisis management approach: Identify your internal and external stakeholders. Analyze each of those audiences for needs; communication isn’t one-size-fits-all. Determine which trained ambassadors will message on behalf of your organization. In times of crisis, swift communication is always preferable — even if message number one is more about heart than head. The facts will show themselves, but you only have one shot to be the first to control your own narrative. My hope is brands everywhere will take lessons from the unthinkable, but sadly not unforeseeable, death of Brian Thompson. In his memory, let us not allow this to go down as a black swan event on the tapestry of American business life. Roshini Rajkumar is a Twin Cities-based crisis strategist, C-suite adviser, and host of “The Crisis Files” podcast. Before starting her executive coaching firm in 2006, she was a TV news reporter. She hosted REAL Talk with Roshini on WCCO Radio from 2012-21. Her social media handles include @RoshiniR on X and @RoshiniRajkumar and @TheCrisisFiles on Instagram.
WASHINGTON (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump's pick for intelligence chief Tulsi Gabbard faced fresh scrutiny Monday on Capitol Hill about her proximity to Russian-ally Syria amid the sudden collapse of that country's hardline Assad rule. Gabbard ignored shouted questions about her 2017 visit to war-torn Syria as she ducked into one of several private meetings with senators who are being asked to confirm Trump's unusual nominees . But the Democrat-turned-Republican Army National Reserve lieutenant colonel delivered a statement in which she reiterated her support for Trump's America First approach to national security and a more limited U.S. military footprint overseas. “I want to address the issue that’s in the headlines right now: I stand in full support and wholeheartedly agree with the statements that President Trump has made over these last few days with regards to the developments in Syria,” Gabbard said exiting a Senate meeting. The incoming president’s Cabinet and top administrative choices are dividing his Republican allies and drawing concern , if not full opposition, from Democrats and others. Not just Gabbard, but other Trump nominees including Pentagon pick Pete Hegseth, were back at the Capitol ahead of what is expected to be volatile confirmation hearings next year. The incoming president is working to put his team in place for an ambitious agenda of mass immigrant deportations, firing federal workers and rollbacks of U.S. support for Ukraine and NATO allies. “We’re going to sit down and visit, that’s what this is all about,” said Sen. Mike Rounds, R-S.D., as he welcomed Gabbard into his office. Meanwhile, Defense Secretary pick Hegseth appeared to be picking up support from once-skeptical senators, the former Army National Guard major denying sexual misconduct allegations and pledging not to drink alcohol if he is confirmed. The president-elect's choice to lead the FBI, Kash Patel , who has written extensively about locking up Trump's foes and proposed dismantling the Federal Bureau of Investigation, launched his first visits with senators Monday. “I expect our Republican Senate is going to confirm all of President Trump’s nominees,” said Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., on social media. Despite widespread concern about the nominees' qualifications and demeanors for the jobs that are among the highest positions in the U.S. government, Trump's team is portraying the criticism against them as nothing more than political smears and innuendo. Showing that concern, Nearly 100 former senior U.S. diplomats and intelligence and national security officials have urged Senate leaders to schedule closed-door hearings to allow for a full review of the government’s files on Gabbard. Trump's allies have described the criticisms of Hegseth in particular as similar to those lodged against Brett Kavanaugh, the former president's Supreme Court nominee who denied a sexual assault allegation and went on to be confirmed during Trump's first term in office. Said Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., about Hegseth: “Anonymous accusations are trying to destroy reputations again. We saw this with Kavanaugh. I won’t stand for it.” One widely watched Republican, Sen. Joni Ernst of Iowa, herself a former Army National Guard lieutenant colonel and sexual assault survivor who had been criticized by Trump allies for her cool reception to Hegseth, appeared more open to him after their follow-up meeting Monday. “I appreciate Pete Hegseth’s responsiveness and respect for the process,” Ernst said in a statement. Ernst said that following “encouraging conversations,” he had committed to selecting a senior official who will "prioritize and strengthen my work to prevent sexual assault within the ranks. As I support Pete through this process, I look forward to a fair hearing based on truth, not anonymous sources.” Ernst also had praise for Patel — “He shares my passion for shaking up federal agencies" — and for Gabbard. Once a rising Democratic star, Gabbard, who represented Hawaii in Congress, arrived a decade ago in Washington, her surfboard in tow, a new generation of potential leaders. She ran unsuccessfully for president in 2020. But Gabbard abruptly left the party and briefly became an independent before joining with Trump's 2024 campaign as one of his enthusiasts, in large part over his disdain for U.S. involvement overseas and opposition to helping Ukraine battle Russia. Her visit to Syria to meet with then-President Bashar Assad around the time of Trump's first inauguration during the country's bloody civil war stunned her former colleagues and the Washington national security establishment. The U.S. had severed diplomatic relations with Syria. Her visit was seen by some as legitimizing a brutal leader who was accused of war crimes. Gabbard has defended the trip, saying it's important to open dialogue, but critics hear in her commentary echoes of Russia-fueled talking points. Assad fled to Moscow over the weekend after Islamist rebels overtook Syria in a surprise attack, ending his family's five decades of rule. She said her own views have been shaped by “my multiple deployments and seeing firsthand the cost of war and the threat of Islamist terrorism.” Gabbard said, “It's one of the many reasons why I appreciate President Trump’s leadership and his election, where he is fully committed, as he has said over and over, to bring about an end to wars.” Last week, the nearly 100 former officials, who served in both Democratic and Republican administrations, said in the letter to Senate leaders they were “alarmed” by the choice of Gabbard to oversee all 18 U.S. intelligence agencies. They said her past actions “call into question her ability to deliver unbiased intelligence briefings to the President, Congress, and to the entire national security apparatus.” The Office of the Director of National Intelligence was created after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks to coordinate the nation’s intelligence agencies and act as the president’s main intelligence adviser. Associated Press writer Stephen Groves contributed to this report.
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Jimmy Carter, the 39th US president, has died at 100
The midseason four-game winning streak that lifted the Arizona Cardinals into the playoff picture seemed as though it happened fast. Their subsequent free fall has been even more jarring. The Cardinals could have moved into a tie for first place in the NFC West with a home win over the Seattle Seahawks on Sunday. Instead, they were thoroughly and are now tied for last in the tightly packed division. Arizona has lost three straight and will face an uphill battle to return to the playoffs for the first time since 2021. The Seahawks (8-5) are in first place, followed by the Rams (7-6), Cardinals (6-7) and 49ers (6-7). Even more daunting for their playoff hopes, the Cardinals lost both of their games against the Seahawks this season, meaning a tiebreaker would go to Seattle. Four games remain. “I just told them we put ourselves in a little bit of a hole now, but all you can do is attack tomorrow, learn tomorrow and have a good week of practice,” second-year coach Jonathan Gannon said. There are plenty of reasons the Cardinals lost to the Seahawks, including Kyler Murray’s two interceptions, a handful of holding penalties, a porous run defense and a brutal missed field goal. It all adds up to the fact Arizona is playing its worst football of the season at a time when it needed its best. “I’m sure we’ll stick to our process, but we have to tweak some things,” Gannon said. “I have to tweak some things.” What’s working It’s probably faint praise, but the Cardinals did make the game interesting in the second half while trying to fight back from a 27-10 deficit. Murray’s shovel pass to James Conner for a 2-yard touchdown and subsequent 2-point conversion cut the margin to 27-18. The Cardinals had a chance to make it a one-score contest early in the fourth quarter, but Chad Ryland’s 40-yard field goal attempt bounced off the left upright. “I thought we spotted them a lot of points there, but then we battled back,” Gannon said. “I appreciate their effort. That was good. We battled back there, had a couple chances to even cut the lead a little more, but ultimately didn’t get it done.” What needs help Murray’s in a bit of a mini-slump after throwing two interceptions in back-to-back games for the first time in his career. He also didn’t do much in the run game against the Seahawks, with 16 yards on three carries. The quarterback’s decision-making was nearly flawless for much of the season and the Cardinals need that good judgment to return. “I’m not looking at it like I have to try to be Superman,” Murray said. “I don’t think that’s the answer. I just need to play within the offense like we’ve done for the majority of the season. Today, I didn’t. Like I said, throwing two picks puts yourself behind the eight ball.” Said Gannon: “I thought he stuck in there and made some big time throws, though, but he has to protect the ball a little bit better. That’s not just him, that’s all 11. So there’ll be a lot of corrections off those plays.” Stock up The defense didn’t have its best day, but it’s not Budda Baker’s fault. The two-time All-Pro safety is having another phenomenal season and was all over the field against the Seahawks, finishing with 18 tackles. Baker’s energy is relentless and he’s the unquestioned leader of a group that has been better than expected this season, even with Sunday’s mediocre performance. Stock down Left tackle Paris Johnson Jr. had a tough day, getting flagged for holding three times, though one of those penalties was declined by the Seahawks. The second-year player moved from right tackle to the left side during the offseason and the transition has gone well, but Sunday was a step backward. Injuries The Cardinals remain fairly healthy. DL Roy Lopez (ankle) and P Blake Gillikin (ankle) left Sunday’s game, but neither injury is expected to be long term. Key number 9 — It looks as if the Cardinals will go a ninth straight season without winning the NFC West. The last time they won the division was 2015 with coach Bruce Arians and a core offense of quarterback Carson Palmer, running back David Johnson and receiver Larry Fitzgerald. What’s next The Cardinals are in must-win territory now for any chance at the playoffs. They’ll host the New England Patriots on Sunday. ___ AP NFL:Jimmy Carter, 39th president turned global humanitarian, dies at 10011.11 no more? Singles’ Day shopping festival loses its shine
The midseason four-game winning streak that lifted the Arizona Cardinals into the playoff picture seemed as though it happened fast. Read this article for free: Already have an account? To continue reading, please subscribe: * The midseason four-game winning streak that lifted the Arizona Cardinals into the playoff picture seemed as though it happened fast. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? The midseason four-game winning streak that lifted the Arizona Cardinals into the playoff picture seemed as though it happened fast. Their subsequent free fall has been even more jarring. The Cardinals could have moved into a tie for first place in the NFC West with a home win over the Seattle Seahawks on Sunday. Instead, they were thoroughly outplayed in a 30-18 loss and are now tied for last in the tightly packed division. Arizona has lost three straight and will face an uphill battle to return to the playoffs for the first time since 2021. The Seahawks (8-5) are in first place, followed by the Rams (7-6), Cardinals (6-7) and 49ers (6-7). Even more daunting for their playoff hopes, the Cardinals lost both of their games against the Seahawks this season, meaning a tiebreaker would go to Seattle. Four games remain. “I just told them we put ourselves in a little bit of a hole now, but all you can do is attack tomorrow, learn tomorrow and have a good week of practice,” second-year coach Jonathan Gannon said. There are plenty of reasons the Cardinals lost to the Seahawks, including Kyler Murray’s two interceptions, a handful of holding penalties, a porous run defense and a brutal missed field goal. It all adds up to the fact Arizona is playing its worst football of the season at a time when it needed its best. “I’m sure we’ll stick to our process, but we have to tweak some things,” Gannon said. “I have to tweak some things.” What’s working It’s probably faint praise, but the Cardinals did make the game interesting in the second half while trying to fight back from a 27-10 deficit. Murray’s shovel pass to James Conner for a 2-yard touchdown and subsequent 2-point conversion cut the margin to 27-18. The Cardinals had a chance to make it a one-score contest early in the fourth quarter, but Chad Ryland’s 40-yard field goal attempt bounced off the left upright. “I thought we spotted them a lot of points there, but then we battled back,” Gannon said. “I appreciate their effort. That was good. We battled back there, had a couple chances to even cut the lead a little more, but ultimately didn’t get it done.” What needs help Murray’s in a bit of a mini-slump after throwing two interceptions in back-to-back games for the first time in his career. He also didn’t do much in the run game against the Seahawks, with 16 yards on three carries. The quarterback’s decision-making was nearly flawless for much of the season and the Cardinals need that good judgment to return. “I’m not looking at it like I have to try to be Superman,” Murray said. “I don’t think that’s the answer. I just need to play within the offense like we’ve done for the majority of the season. Today, I didn’t. Like I said, throwing two picks puts yourself behind the eight ball.” Said Gannon: “I thought he stuck in there and made some big time throws, though, but he has to protect the ball a little bit better. That’s not just him, that’s all 11. So there’ll be a lot of corrections off those plays.” Stock up The defense didn’t have its best day, but it’s not Budda Baker’s fault. The two-time All-Pro safety is having another phenomenal season and was all over the field against the Seahawks, finishing with 18 tackles. Baker’s energy is relentless and he’s the unquestioned leader of a group that has been better than expected this season, even with Sunday’s mediocre performance. Stock down Left tackle Paris Johnson Jr. had a tough day, getting flagged for holding three times, though one of those penalties was declined by the Seahawks. The second-year player moved from right tackle to the left side during the offseason and the transition has gone well, but Sunday was a step backward. Injuries The Cardinals remain fairly healthy. DL Roy Lopez (ankle) and P Blake Gillikin (ankle) left Sunday’s game, but neither injury is expected to be long term. Key number Winnipeg Jets Game Days On Winnipeg Jets game days, hockey writers Mike McIntyre and Ken Wiebe send news, notes and quotes from the morning skate, as well as injury updates and lineup decisions. Arrives a few hours prior to puck drop. 9 — It looks as if the Cardinals will go a ninth straight season without winning the NFC West. The last time they won the division was 2015 with coach Bruce Arians and a core offense of quarterback Carson Palmer, running back David Johnson and receiver Larry Fitzgerald. What’s next The Cardinals are in must-win territory now for any chance at the playoffs. They’ll host the New England Patriots on Sunday. ___ AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/NFL Advertisement Advertisement
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ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ----- By Bill Barrow for the Associated Press Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.TOMBSTONE — The Tombstone Unified School District Governing Board has chosen Huachuca City School Principal Dr. Sarah Cox to be the district's next superintendent, replacing outgoing Superintendent Robert Devere at the end of the school year. “TUSD is pleased to announce that Dr. Sarah Cox has been chosen as the next Superintendent,” the Tombstone Unified School District announced in a recent social media post. “Dr. Cox will begin working closely with Superintendent Devere for the next 6 months before taking the (reigns) as the TUSD leader on July 1, 2025.”
ATLANTA — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center simply said in posting about Carter’s death on the social media platform X. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.Liverpool exacts revenge on Real MadridTrump turns to outsider to shake up Navy, but his lack of military experience raises concerns
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Rams offense is humming with good health, and it gave a stellar performance to upset BuffaloRegulators are looking to block Google from investing $2 billion in Antrophic , a Jeff Bezos -backed rival to artificial intelligence (AI) innovator OpenAI . What Happened : The U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) recommended in a court filing Wednesday that Alphabet Inc ‘s GOOG GOOGL Google divest its Chrome browser to dismantle its monopoly on online search. It doesn’t end there. Google should be barred from doing any deals with companies that control where consumers search for information, regulators say. That includes AI products. This puts Google's Anthropic investment at risk, according to Bloomberg , citing unnamed sources. Also Read: Nvidia’s Post-Earnings Jitters: Can NVDA Stock Regain Its AI-Fueled Momentum? Google boasts over 91% global market share when it comes to online search, per GlobalStats . Why It Matters : Google needs Anthropic, or startups like it. Without it, Google is at a disadvantage, considering every major tech company is essentially in an AI arms race. Since OpenAI’s ChatGPT launch in late 2022, tech giants have heavily invested in AI startups. But Google’s Anthropic deal is raising concerns overseas as well. Last month, U.K. antitrust officials announced an investigation into whether Google’s pursuit of Anthropic could harm competition . Meanwhile, Amazon.com Inc. AMZN managed to avoid scrutiny. The UK’s competition regulator recently approved the partnership between Amazon and Anthropic, despite the Seattle-based company’s significant $4 billion investment in the company. Britain’s Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) confirmed the partnership does not fall under its jurisdiction. Microsoft Corp MSFT also appeased regulators when it relinquished its board observer role at OpenAI. The Redmond, Washington-based company invested over $10 billion in the AI startup. What’s Next : A decision on whether the UK will require further investigation is expected by Dec. 19. In the U.S., Google plans to appeal Judge Amit Mehta ‘s antitrust ruling in August . Mehta’s decision could ultimately lead to Google divesting segments of its business, including Chrome . Price Action: Alphabet was down 4.5% to $169.24 on Thursday. Now Read: MicroStrategy Surges 674% In 2024: 5 ETFs That Benefit From MSTR’s Bitcoin-Driven Growth Image: Shutterstock © 2024 Benzinga.com. Benzinga does not provide investment advice. All rights reserved.
